"The usual Bolshevik methods. A man of proven organizing genius was at the head of the Petrograd fuel department. His name? Never mind — he's an old revolutionist who spent ten years in Schlusselburg under the old regime. He kept the city supplied with wood and coal; he even organized a branch in Moscow for the same purpose. He surrounded himself with a staff of efficient men; many of the American deportees were among them, and they succeeded where the Government had previously failed. But one day Dzerzhinsky got the notion that the fuel manager was permitted too much scope. The Moscow branch was liquidated, and in Petrograd a political commissar was placed over him, handicapping and interfering with his work. The famine was the result."
"But why? Why was it done?" several delegates exclaim.
u He was an Anarchist."
"There must have been some misunderstanding," the Australian suggests.
"The policy of the Communists throughout the country," the Russian says sadly.
"Friends, let us forget past mistakes," the Frenchman appeals. "I'm sure closer contact can be brought about between the Government and the revolutionary elements. I'll speak to Lenin about it. We in France see no reason for this strife. All revolutionists should work together with the Bolsheviki."
"Most of them are in prison," a former sailor remarks bitterly.
"I don't mean those who took up arms against the Republic," the Frenchman retorts. "Counter-revolution, like that of Kronstadt, must be crushed, and " "Don't repeat Bolshevik lies," the sailor interrupts vehemently, "Kronstadt fought for free Soviets."
"I know only what I heard from Communist comrades," the Frenchman continues. "But I am convinced that all real revolutionists, like Left S. R.'s, Anarchists, and Syndicalists should work together with the Communist Party."
"Almost all of them in prison," the Petrograd man repeats.
"Impossible I" the Spanish delegate protests. "The Communists have assured me that only bandits and counter-revolutionists are in jail," A small, slender woman in a faded jacket hastily enters the room. She is greatly agitated and very pale. "Comrades," she announces, "the thirteen Anarchists in the Taganka have gone on a hunger strike." With trembling voice she adds: "It's to the death."
July g. — Opposition has developed at the Trade Union Congress against the domination of the Comintern. All important matters are first decided by the latter before being submitted to the labor men. The delegates resent the autocratic methods of the Communist chairman; the inequitable distribution of votes is a source of constant friction. The Bolsheviki are charged with "packing" the Congress with delegates from countries having no industrial movement. An atmosphere of disillusionment and bitterness pervades the sessions. The French delegation threatens to bolt.
Some of the Germans, Swedish, and Spanish members are perturbed by the general situation. They have come in contact with the actual conditions; they have sensed the spirit of popular discontent and caught a glimpse of the chasm between Communist claims and the reality. The hunger strikes of the politicals in Moscow, Petrograd, and other cities have become a subject of great concern. The prisoners are undernourished and exhausted; the desperate decision jeopardizes their lives. It were criminal to permit such a tragedy. Moreover, it is felt that their protest is justified. In defiance of the Soviet Constitution, the politicals have been kept in prison for months, some even for years, without charges being brought against them.
The foreign delegates propose to call the subject to the attention of the Congress. They will refuse to cooperate with the Bolshevik!, they assert, while their comrades remain in prison without cause. Fearing a serious rupture, some delegates secured an audience with Lenin. The latter declared that the Government would not tolerate opposition; hunger strikes cannot swerve it from its purpose, though all the politicals chose to starve to death. But he would agree to have the imprisoned Anarchists deported from Russia, he said. The matter is to be immediately submitted to the Central Committee of the Party.
July 10. — Eighth day of the Taganka hunger strike. The men very weak; most of them unable to walk; several have developed heart trouble. The young student Sheroshevsky is dying from consumption.
The Central Committee has taken action on Lenin's suggestion. A joint committee representing the Government and the foreign delegates has been formed to arrange the conditions of release and deportation of the Anarchists. But so far the conferences have brought no results. Dzerzhinsky and Unschlicht, now acting head of the Tcheka, claim there are no real Anarchists in the prisons; just bandits, they declare. They have thrown the burden of proof upon the delegates by demanding that the latter submit a complete list of those to be released. The delegates feel that the matter is being sabotaged to gain time till the Trade Union Congress closes.
July is- — At last we succeeded in holding a session this evening. Trotsky was absent, his place taken by Lunatcharsky as the representative of the Party. The conference was held in the Kremlin.
Unschlicht, a stocky young man, dark featured and morose, in every gesture expressed his resentment of "foreign interference" in his sphere. He would not speak directly to the delegates, addressing himself only to Lunatcharsky. His frank discourtesy unpleasantly affected the foreigners, and the conference was conducted in a formal, stiff manner. After much wrangling the Committee reached an agreement, as a result of which the following communication was sent to the prisoners: Comrades, in view of the fact that we have come to the conclusion that your hunger strike cannot accomplish your liberation, we hereby advise you to terminate it.
At the same time we inform you that definite proposals have been made to us by Comrade Lunatcharsky, in the name of the Central Committee of the Communist Party. To wit: 1. All Anarchists held in the prisons of Russia, and who are now on a hunger strike, will be permitted to leave for any country they may choose. They will be supplied with passports and funds.
2. Concerning other imprisoned Anarchists or those out of prison, final action will be taken by the Party tomorrow. It is the opinion of Comrade Lunatcharsky that the decision in their case will be similar to the present one.
3. We have received the promise indorsed by Unschlicht, that the families of the comrades to go abroad will be permitted to follow them if they so wish. For conspirative reasons some time will have to elapse before this is done.
4. The comrades going abroad will be permitted two or three days at liberty before their departure, to enable them to arrange their affairs.
5. They will not be allowed to return to Russia without the consent of the Soviet Government.
6. Most of these conditions are contained in the letter received by this delegation from the Central Committee of the Communist Party, signed by Trotsky.
7. The foreign comrades have been authorized to see to it that these conditions are properly carried out.
(Signatures) Orlandi Leval SiROLLE Michel A. Shapiro — Russia The above is correct.
(Signed) Lunatcharsky.
Kremlin, Moscow, i3/vii/i92i.
Alexander Berkman declines to sign because a. he is opposed to deportation on principle; b. he considers the letter an arbitrary and unjustified curtailment of the original offer of the Central Committee, according to which all the Anarchists were to be permitted to leave Russia; c. he demands more time at liberty for those to be released, to enable them to recuperate before deportation.
July i4. — The hunger protest was terminated last night. The prisoners are momentarily expecting to be freed. Extremely weakened and in highly nervous state after eleven days of striking.
Like a bombshell came Bukharin's attack upon the Anarchists in the closing hour of the Trade Union Congress. Though not a delegate, he secured the platform and m the name of the Communist Party denounced the hunger strikers as counter-revolutionists. The whole Anarchist movement of Russia, he declared, is criminal banditism waging warfare against the Soviet Republic; it is identical with Makhno and his povstantsi who are exterminating Communists and fighting against the Revolution.
The session was thrown into an uproar. The majority of delegates resented this breach of faith in view of the tacit agreement to eliminate the matter from the Congress. But the chairman refused to permit a rejoinder, declaring the subject closed. A storm of indignation swept the house.
The insistence of the Congress at last compelled a hearing, and a French delegate took the floor to reply to Bukharin's charges. In the name of the Revolution he solemnly protested against the sinister Machiavelian diplomacy of the Botsheviki. To attack the opposition at the closing of the Congress, without an opportunity of defense, he declared, was an act of perfidy unworthy of a revolutionary party. Its sole purpose was to prejudice the departing delegates against the revolutionary minority and justify continued political persecution; its obviously desired effect to annul the conciliatory efforts of the Joint Committee.
August 10. — Days and weeks are passing; the politicals still remain in prison. The conferences of the Joint Committee have practically ceased — rarely can the representatives of the Government be induced to attend. The promises of Lenin and Lunatcharsky are broken. The Tcheka has made the resolution of the Executive Committee of the Party ineffective.
The Congresses are closed, and most of the delegates have departed.
September ij. — At noon today the hunger strikers were released from the Taganka, two months after the Government had pledged their liberation. The men look worn and old, withered by anguish and privation. They have been put under surveillance and forbidden to meet their comrades. It is said weeks will pass before opportunity will be given them to leave the country. They are not permitted to work and they have no means of subsistence.* The Tcheka declares that no other politicals will be freed. Arrests of revolutionists are taking place throughout the country.
September jo. — With bowed heart I seek a familiar bench in the park. Here little Fanya sat at my side. Her face was turned to the sun, her whole being radiant with idealism. Her silvery laughter rang with the joy of youth and life, but I trembled for her safety at every approaching step. u Do not fear," she kept reassuring me, "no one will know me in my peasant disguise."
Now she is dead. Executed yesterday by the Tcheka as a "bandit." t Gray are the passing days. One by one the embers •Not till January, 192a, were the released Taganka Anarchists deported to Germany.
t Fanya Baron and Lev Tchorny, Anarchist poet and author, were executed with eight other prisoners by the Moscow Tcheka in September, 1 92 1.
of hope have died out. Terror and despotism have crushed the life born in October. The slogans of the Revolution are foresworn, its ideals stifled in the blood of the people. The breath of yesterday is dooming millions to death; the shadow of today hangs like a black pall over the country. Dictatorship is trampling the masses under foot. The Revolution is dead; its spirit cries in the wilderness.
High time the truth about the Bolsheviki were told. The whited sepulcher must be unmasked, the clay feet of the fetish beguiling the international proletariat to fatal will o' the wisps exposed. The Bolshevik myth must be destroyed.
I have decided to leave Russia.
THE END