’ the mere abstract study of philosophy, but that the study of. philosophie truth should always be made as practical as possible, and applicable to the great interests of philanthropy and patriotism. Cicero endeavours to show the benefit of mingling the contemplative or philosophic, with the political and active life, according to that maxim of Plato,—‘ Happy is the nation whose philosophers are kings, and whose kings are philosophers.”
This kind of introduction was the more necessary, because many of the ancient philosophers, too warmly attached to transcendental metaphysics and sequestered speculations, had affirmed that true philosophers ought not to interest themselves in the management of public affairs. Thus, as M. Villemain observes, it was a maxim of the Epicureans, “Sapiens ne accedat ad rempublicam,’—Let no wise man meddle in politics. The Pythagoreans had enforced the same principle with more gravity. Aristotle examines the question on both sides, and concludes in favour of active life. Among Aristotle’s disciples, a writer, singularly elegant and pure, had maintained the preeminence of the contemplative life over the political or active one, in a work which Cicero cites with admiration, and to which he seems to have applied for relief, whenever he felt harassed and discouraged in public business, But here, this great man was interested by the subject he discusses, and by the whole course of his experience and conduct, to refute the dogmas of that pusillanimous sophistry and selfish indulgence, by bringing forward the most glorious examples and achievements of patriotism. In this strain he had doubtless commenced his exordium, and in this strain we find him continuing it, at the point in which the palimpsest becomes legible. He then proceeds to introduce his illustrious Interlocutors, and leads them at first to discourse on the astronomical laws that regulate the revolutions of our planet. From this, by a very graceful and beautiful transition, he passes on to the consideration of the best forms of political constitutions that had prevailed in different nations, and those modes of government which had produced the greatest. benefits in the Commonwealths of antiquity.
This first book is, in fact, a splendid epitome of the political science of the age of Cicero; and probably the most eloquent plea in favour of mixed monarchy to be found in all literature.
BOOK I.
I. [Wirnovt the virtue of patriotism], neither Caius Duilius, nor Aulus Atilius,’ nor Lucius Metellus, could have delivered Rome by their courage from the terror of Carthage; nor could the two Scipios, when the fire of the second Punic War was kindled, have quenched it in their blood; nor, when it revived in greater force, could either Quintus Maximus? have enervated it, or Marcus Marcellus have crushed it; nor, when it was repulsed from the gates of our own city, would Scipio have confined it within the walls of our enemies.
But Cato, at first a new and unknown man, whom all we who aspire to the same honours consider as a pattern to lead us on to industry and virtue, was undoubtedly at liberty to enjoy his repose at Tusculum, a most salubrious and convenient retreat, But he,—mad as some people think him,— though no necessity compelled him, preferred being tossed about amid the tempestuous waves of politics, even till extreme old age, to living with all imaginable luxury in that tranquillity and relaxation. J omit innumerable men who have separately devoted themselves to the protection of our Commonwealth; and those whose lives are within the memory of the present generation, I will not mention, lest any one should complain that I had invidiously forgotten himself. or some one of his family. This only I insist on—that so great is the necessity of this virtue which nature has implanted in man, and so great is the desire to defend the common safety of our country, that its energy has continually overcome all the blandishments of pleasure and repose.
II. Nor is it sufficient to possess this virtue as if it were some kind of art, unless we put it in practice. An art, indeed, though not exercised, may still be retained in knowledge; but virtue consists wholly in its proper use and action. Now, the noblest use of virtue is the government of the Commonwealth, and the carrying out in real action, not in words only, of all those identical theories which those philosophers discuss at every corner. For nothing is spoken by philosophers, so far as they speak correctly and honourably, which has not been discovered and confirmed by those persons who have been the founders of the laws of states. For whence comes piety, or from whom has religion been derived?~—whence: comes law, either that of nations, or that. which is called the civil law?—whence comes justice, faith, equity?—-whence modesty, continence, the horror of baseness, the desire ef praise and renown!—whence fortitude in.
labours and perils? Doubtless, from those who have instilled. some of -these moral principles into men by education, and confirmed others by custom, and sanctioned others by laws. Moreover, it is reported of Xenocrates, one of the sublimest philosophers, that when some one asked him what his disciples learned, he replied, “To do that of their own accord’ which they might be compelled to do by law.” That citizen, therefore, who obliges all men to those virtuous actions, by _ the authority of laws and penalties, to which the philosophers can scarcely persuade a few by the force of their eloquence, is certainly to be preferred to the sagest of the doctors “who spend their lives in such discussions. For which of their exquisite orations is so admirable as to be entitled to be preferred to a well-constituted government, public justice, and good customs? Certainly, just as [ think that magnificent and imperious cities (as Ennius says) are superior to castles and villages; so I imagine that those who regulate such cities by their counsel and authority are far preferable, with respect to real wisdom, to men who are unacquainted with any kind of political knowledge. And since we are strongly prompted to augment the prosperity of the human race,—and since we do endeavour by our counsels and exertions to render the life of man safer and wealthier,—and since we are incited to this blessing by the spur of nature -herself,—let us hold on that: course which has always been pursued by all the best men, and not listen for a moment to the signals of those who sound a retreat so loudly, that they sometimes call back even those who have made considerable progress.
III. These reasons, so certain and’so evident, are opposed by those who, ‘on the other side, argue that the labours which must necessarily be sustained in maintaining the Commonwealth, form but. a slight impediment, to the — and LGLess ie "pie rut.
‘ ) : i a q industrious, and are only a contemptible obstacle in such important affairs, and. even in common. studies, offices, and employments. They add, the peril of life, that base fear of death, which has ever been opposed by brave men, to whom it appears far more miserable to die by the decay of nature and old age, than to be allowed an opportunity of gallantly sacrificing that. life for then country, which must otherwise be yielded. up to nature.: On this point, however, our antagonists: esteem themselves copious: and. eloquent when they collect all the calamities. of" heroic men, and the injuries inflicted: on. them: by their ungrateful countrymen. For on this subject they bring for~ ward those notable examples among the Greeks; and tell us that Miltiades, the vanquisher and.conqueror of the Persians, before even those wounds were healed which he had. received in that most: glorious vietory, wasted away in the chains: of his fellow-citizens that life which had been preserved from the weapons of the enemy. They cite Themistocles, expelled and proscribed by the country which he had rescued, and forced to flee, not to the Grecian,ports which he had pre- — served, but to the bosom of the barbarous power which he had defeated. There is, indeed, no deficiency of examples to illustrate the levity and cruelty of the Athenians to their noblest citizens—examples which, originating and multiplying among them, are said at different times to have abounded in our own most august empire. For we are told, of the exile of Camillus, the disgrace of Ahala, the unpopularity of 'Nasica, the expulsion of Lenas,' the condemnation of Opimius, the flight of Metellus, the cruel destruction of Caius Marius, the massacre of our chieftains, and the many atrocious crimes which followed. My own history is by no means free from ‘such calamities; and I imagine, that when they recollect that by my counsel and perils they were preserved in life and liberty, they are led by that consideration to bewail my misfortunes more deeply and affectionately. But I cannot _? It is unnecessary to give an account of the other names here mentioned; but that of Lenas is probably less known. He was Publius Popillius Leenas, consul, B.c. 132, the year after the death of Tiberius Gracchus, and it became his duty to prosecute the accomplices of Gracchus, for which he was afterwards attacked by Caius Gracchus with such animosity, that he withdrew into voluntary exile. Cicero pays a tribute to the energy of Opimius, in the first’ Oration against Catiline, ¢. iii,’ tell why those who sail over the seas for the sake of knowledge and experience [should wonder at seeing still greater hazards braved in the service of the Commonwealth].
_ IV. [Since], on my quitting the consulship, I swore in the assembly of the Roman people, who re-echoed my words, that I had saved the Commonwealth, I console myself with this remembrance for all my cares, troubles, and injuries. Although my misfortune had more of honour than misfortune, and more of glory than disaster; and I derive greater pleasure from the regrets of good men than sorrow from the exultation ‘of the worthless. But even if it had happened otherwise, how could I have complained, as nothing befel me which was either unforeseen, or more painful than I expected, as a return for my illustrious actions? For I was one who, though it was in my power to reap more profit from leisure than most men, on account of the diversified sweetness of my studies, in which I had lived from boyhood,—or, if any public calamity had happened, to have borne no more than an equal share with the rest of my countrymen in the misfortune,—I nevertheless did not hesitate to. oppose myself to the most formidable tempests and torrents of sedition, for the sake of saving my countrymen, and at my own proper danger to secure the common safety of all the rest. For our country did not beget and educate us with the expectation of receiving no support, as I may call it, from us; nor for the purpose of consulting nothing but our convenience, to supply us with a secure refuge for idleness and a tranquil spot for rest; but rather with a view of turning to her own advantage the nobler portion of our genius, heart, and counsel; giving us back for our private service only what she can spare from the public interests.: VY. Those apologies, therefore, in which men take refuge as an excuse for their devoting themselves with more plausibility to mere inactivity, do certainly not deserve to be listened to. When, for instance, they tell us that those who meddle with public affairs are generally good-for-nothing men, with whom it is discreditable to be compared, and miserable and dangerous to contend, especially when the multitude is in an excited state. On which account, it is not the part of a wise man to take the reins, since he cannot restrain the insane and unregulated movements of the common people. Nor is it N THE COMMONWEALTH. 289 becoming to a man of liberal birth, say they, thus to contend with such vile and unrefined antagonists, or to subject oneself ‘to the lashings of contumely, or to put oneself in the way of injuries which ought not to be borne by a wise man. As if to virtuous, brave, and magnanimous men there could be a juster reason for seeking the government than this,—to avoid being subjected to worthless men, and to prevent the com-‘monwealth from being torn to pieces by them; when, even if ‘they were then desirous to save her, they would not have the ‘power. ° VI. But this restriction who can approve, which would interdict the wise man from taking any share in the government beyond such as the occasion and necessity may compel him to? As if any greater necessity could possibly happen to any man than happened to me. In which, how could I have acted if I had not been consul at the time? and how could I have been a consul, unless I had maintained that course of life from my childhood which raised me from the order of knights, in which I was born, to the very highest station?
You cannot produce extempore, and just when you please, the power of assisting a commonwealth, although it may be severely pressed by dangers, unless you have attained the position which enables you legally to do so. And what most surprises me in the discourses of learned men is to hear those ‘persons, who confess themselves incapable of steering the vessel of the state in smooth seas, (which, indeed, they never learnt, and never cared to know,) profess themselves ready to assume the helm amid the fiercest tempests. For those men are accustomed to say openly, and indeed to boast greatly, that they have never learnt, and have never taken the least pains to explain, the principles of either establishing or maintain-‘Ing a commonwealth; and they look on this practical science as one which belongs not to men of learning and wisdom, but to those who have made it their especial study. How, ‘then, can it be reasonable for such men to promise their assistance to the state, when they shall be compelled to it by ‘necessity, while they are ignorant how to govern the republic ‘when no necessity presses upon it, which is a much more easy task? Indeed, though it were true that the wise man loves not to thrust himself of his own accord into the administration of public affairs, but that, if circumstances DE NAT. ETC. U oblige him to it, then he does not refuse the office’; yet I think that this science of civil legislation should in nowise be neglected by the philosopher, because all resources ought to be ready to his hand, which he knows not how soon he may be called on to use. 5 cath:; _ VIL. I have spoken thus at large for this reason, because in -this work I have proposed to myself and undertaken a discussion on the government of a state; and in order to render it useful, | was bound in the first place to do away with this pusillanimous hesitation to mingle in public affairs. If there be any, therefore, who are too much influenced by the authority of the philosophers, let them consider the subject for a moment, and be guided by the opinions of those men whose authority and credit are greatest among learned men; whom I look upon, though some of them have not personally governed any state, as men who have nevertheless discharged _ a kind of office in the republic, inasmuch as they have made many investigations into, and left many writings concerning, state affairs. As to those whom the Greeks entitle “ the seven wise men,” I find that they almost all lived in the middle of public business. Nor indeed is there anything in which human virtue can more closely resemble the divine powers, than in establishing new states, or in preserving those already established.: j2 VIII. And concerning these affairs, since it has been our | good fortune to achieve something worthy of memorial in the government of our country, and also to have acquired some facility of explaining the powers and resources of politics, we ean treat of this subject with the weight of personal experience and the habit of instruction and illustration. Whereas before us many have been skilful in theory, though no exploits of theirs are recorded; and many others have been men of consideration in action, but unfamiliar with the arts of exposition. Nor indeed is it at all our intention to establish a new and self-invented system of government; but our purpose is rather to recal to memory a discussion of the most illustrious men of their age in our commonwealth, which you and I, in our youth, when at Smyrna, heard mentioned by Publius Rutilius Rufus, who reported to us a conference of many days, in which, in my opinion, there was nothing omitted that could throw light.on political.affairs saci a S _ IX. For when, in the year of the consulship of Tuditanus and Aquilius, Scipio Africanus, the son of Paulus Aimilius, formed the project of spending the Latin holidays at his country seat, where his most intimate friends had promised him frequent visits during this season of relaxation; on the first morning of the festival, his nephew, Quintus Tubero, made his appearance; and when Scipio had greeted him heartily and embraced him,—How is it, my dear Tubero, said he, that I see you so early? For these holidays must afford you a capital opportunity of pursuing your favourite studies. Ah!
replied Tubero, 1 can study my books at any time, for they are always disengaged; but it is a great privilege, my Scipio, to find you at leisure, especially in this restless period of public affairs. You certainly have found me so, said Scipio, but, to speak truth, I am rather relaxing from business than from study. Nay, said Tubero, you must try to relax from your studies too, for here are several of us,.as we have appointed, all ready, if it suits your convenience, to aid you in getting through this leisure time of yours. I am very willing to consent, answered Scipio, and we may be able to compare notes respecting the several topics that interest us. -_ X. Be itso, said Tubero; and since you invite me to discussion, and present the opportunity, let us first examine, before any one else arrives, what can be the nature of the parhelion, or double sun, which was mentioned in the senate. Those that affirm they witnessed this prodigy are neither few nor unworthy of credit, so that there is more reason for investigation than incredulity.’: | Ah! said Scipio, I wish we had our friend Pansetius with us, who is fond of investigating all things of this kind, but especially all celestial phenomena. As for my opinion, Tubero, for I always tell you just what I think, I hardly ' This phenomenon of the parhelion, or mock sun, which so puz zled Cicero’s interlocutors, has been very satisfactorily explained by modern science. The parhelia are formed by the reflection of the sunbeams on a cloud properly situated.; They usually accompany the coronz or luminous circles, and are placed in the same circumference, and at the same height. Their colours resemble that of the rainbow; the red and yellow are towards the side of the sun, and the blue and violet on the other. There are, however, coronze sometimes seen without parhelia, and vice versd. Pharhelia are double, triple, &c., and in 1629, a parhelion of five suns was seen at Rome, and another of six suns at Arles, 1666, or than 94. bay ee U2 agree in these subjects with that friend of mine, since, respecting things of which we can scarcely form a conjecture as to their character, he is as positive as if he had seen them with his own eyes, and felt them with his own hands. And I cannot but the more admire the wisdom of Socrates, who discarded all anxiety respecting things of this kind, and affirmed that these inquiries concerning the secrets of nature were elther above the efforts of human reason, or were absolutely of no consequence at all to human life.
But then, my Africanus, replied Tubero, of what credit is the tradition which states that Socrates rejected all these physical investigations, and confined his whole attention to men and manners? For with respect to him, what better authority can we cite than Plato? in many passages of whose works, Socrates speaks in such a manner, that even when he is discussing morals, and virtues, and even public affairs and politics, he endeavours to interweave, after the fashion of Pythagoras, the doctrines of arithmetic, geometry, and harmonic proportions with them.
That is true, replied Scipio; but you are aware, I believe, that Plato, after the death of Socrates, was induced to visit Egypt by his love of science, and that after that he proceeded to Italy and Sicily, from his desire of understanding the Pythagorean dogmas; that he conversed much with Archytas of T'arentum and Timeeus of Locris; that he collected the works of Philolaus; and that, finding in these places the renown of Pythagoras flourishing, he addicted himself exceedingly to the disciples of Pythagoras, and their studies; therefore, as he loved Socrates with his whole heart, and wished to attribute all great discoveries to him, he interwove the Socratic elegance and subtlety of eloquence, with somewhat of the obscurity of Pythagoras, and with that notorious gravity of his diversified arts.: XI. When Scipio had spoken thus, he suddenly saw Lucius Furius approaching, and saluting him, and embracing him most affectionately, he gave him a seat on his own couch. And as soon as Publius Rutilius, the worthy reporter of the conference to us, had arrived, when he had saluted him, he placed him by the side of Tubero. Then said Furius, What is it that you are about? Has our entrance at all interrupted any conversation of yours? By no means, said Scipio, for you yourself tco are in the habit of investigating carefully the subject which Tubero was a little before proposing to examine, and our friend Rutilius, even under the walls of Numantia, was in the habit at times of conversing with me on questions of the same kind, What, then, was the subject of your discussion? said Philus. We were talking, said Scipio, of the double suns that recently appeared, and I wish, Philus, to hear what you think of them.
XII, Justas he was speaking, a boy announced that Leelius was coming to call on him, and that he had already left his house. Then Scipio, putting on his sandals and robes, immediately went forth from his chamber, and when he had walked a little time in the portico, he met Lelius, and welcomed him and those that accompanied him, namely, Spurius Mummius, to whom he was greatly attached, and C. Fannius and Quintus Sceevola, sons-in-law of Leelius, two yery intelligent young men, and now of the queestorian age.’
When he had saluted them all he returned through the portico, placing Leelius in the middle; for there was in their friendship a sort of law of reciprocal courtesy, so that in the camp Lelius paid Scipio almost divine honours, on account of his eminent renown in war, and in private life; in his turn Scipio reverenced Leelius, even as a father, because he was older than himself, Then after they had exchanged a few words, as they walked up and down, Scipio, to whom their visit was extremely welcome and agreeable, wished to assemble them in a sunny corner of the gardens, because it was still winter; and when they had agreed to this, there came in another friend, a learned man, much beloved and esteemed by all of them, M. Manilius, who, after having been most warmly welcomed by Scipio and the rest, seated himself next to Leelius.
XIII. Then Philus, commencing the conversation, said—It does not appear to me that the presence of our new guests need alter the subject of our discussion, but only that it should induce us to treat it more philosophically, and in a manner more worthy of our increased audience. What da you allude to? said Lelius; or what was the discussion we broke in upon? Scipio was asking me, replied Philus, what ’ There is a litile uncertainty as to what this age was; but it was probably about twenty-five, I thought of the parhelion, or mock sun, whose recent apparition was so strongly attested.
- Lelius.~Do you say then, my Philus, that we have sufficiently examined those questions which concern our own houses and ‘thé Commonwealth, that we begin to ve the celestial mysteries?
. And Philus replied—Do you think, then, that it does not concern our houses to know what happens in that vast home, which is not included in walls of human fabrication, but which embraces the entire universe—a home which the Gods share with us, as the common country of all intelligent beings? Especially when, if we are ignorant of these things, there are also many great practical truths which result from them, and which bear directly on the welfare of our race, of which we must be also ignorant. And here I can speak for myself, as well as for you, Leelius, and all men who are ambitious of wisdom, that the knowledge and con-+ Sideration of the facts of nature are by themselves very delightful.
Leelius —I have no objection to the discussion, especially as it is holiday time with us. But cannot we have the pleasure of hearing you resume it, or are we come too late?, ~ -Philus.—We have not yet commenced the discussion, and since the question remains entire and ‘unbroken, I shall have the greatest pleasure, my Leelius, in handing over the argument to you.
Lelius—No, I had much rather hear you, unless, indeed, Manilius thinks himself able to compromise the suit ‘between the two suns, that they may possess heaven as joint sovereigns without intruding on each other's empire.
Then Manilius said—Are you going, Lzlius, to ridicule a science in which, in the first place, I myself excel; and secondly, without which no one can distinguish what is his own, and what is another’s? But to return to the point. Let us nowat present listen to Philus, who seems to me to have started a greater. question than any of those that have engaged the attention of either Publius Mucius or myself.
XIV. Then Philus said—I am not about to bring you anything new, or anything which has been ‘thought over or discovered by me myself. But I recollect that Caius Sulpicius Gallus, who-was a man of profound learning, as you axe aware, when this same thing was reported to’ have taken place in his time, while he was staying in the house-of Marcus. Marcellus, who had been his colleague in the consulship, asked to see a celestial globe, which Marcellus’s grandfather had saved after the capture of Syracuse, from that magnificent and opulent city, without bringing to his own home any other memorial out of so great a booty; which I had often heard mentioned’ on account of the great fame of Archimedes; but its appearance, however, did not seem to me particularly striking. For that other is more elegant in form, and, more generally known, which was made by the same Archimedes, and deposited by the same Marcellus in the Temple of Virtue at Rome. But as soon as Gallus had begun to explain, in a most scientific manner, the principle of this machine, T felt that the Sicilian geometrician must have possessed a genius superior to anything we usually conceive to belong to eur nature. For Gallus assured us that that other solid and compact globe was a very ancient invention, and that the first model had been originally made by Thales of Miletus.
That afterwards Eudoxus of Cnidus, a disciple of Plato, had traced on its surface the stars that appear in the sky, and that many years subsequently, borrowing from Hudoxus this beautiful design and representation, Aratus had illustrated it in his verses, not by any science of astronomy, but by the ornament of poetic description. He added, that the figure of the globe, which displayed the motions of the sun and moon, and the five planets, or wandering. stars, — could not be represented by the primitive solid globe; and that in this, the invention of Archimedes was admirable, because he had calculated how a single revolution should maintain unequal and diversified progressions in dissimilar motions. In fact, when Gallus moved this globe, we observed that the moon succeeded the sun by as many turns of the wheel in the: machine, as days in the heavens. From whence it resulted, that the progress of the sun was marked as in the heavens, and that the moon touched the point where she is obscured by the earth’s shadow at the instant the sun appears opposite.’ * — *. di y 1 Cicero here gives a very exact and correct account of the planetarium of Archimedes, which is so often noticed by the ancient astronomers. It no doubt corresponded ina great measure to our modern Planetarium 296. ON THE COMMONWEALTH,; XV. * **} Thad myself a great affection for this Gallus,. and I know that he was very much beloved and esteemed by my father Paulus. I recollect that when I was very young, when my father, as consul, commanded in Macedonia, and; we were in the camp, our army was seized with a pious terror, because suddenly, in a clear night, the bright and full, moon became eclipsed. And Gallus, who was then our lieu-, tenant, the year before that in which he was elected consul, hesitated not, next morning, to state in the camp that it was no prodigy, and that the phenomenon which had then appeared would always appear at certain periods, when the sun. was so placed that he could not affect the moon with his light, _ But do you mean, said Tubero, that he dared to speak thus to men almost entirely uneducated and ignorant?
- Seypio.—He did, and with great * * * for his opinion was no result of insolent ostentation, nor was his language. unbecoming the dignity of so wise a man,—indeed, he per-. formed a very noble action in thus freeing his countrymen. from the terrors of an idle superstition. |