but upon finding that this friend also differed with him on the question, he was with difficulty restrained from getting out of the carriage. This characteristic was undoubtedly the reason why he never attained to a position in the ministry. Says one who had frequently heard Burke's friends discuss the advisability of giving him a place in the ministry, " He was so violent, so overbearing, so arrogant, so intractable, that to have got on with him in a cabinet would have been utterly and absolutely impossible." And yet it is pleasant to think that, at this very time when he was most broken and irritable from misfortunes, the defection of almost all his old friends, and the death of his only son, a friend who called at Beaconsfield found him rolling on the floor in the highest glee engaged in boisterous play with some little children, " and pouring out in his gambols the sublimest images, mixed with the most wretched puns."
As an Orator. — See the paragraph on " Personal Appearance " and the quotation from Goldsmith under " A Great Talker " for some of his characteristics as an orator. According to most accounts he lacked power to hold his audience, probably because he " cut blocks with a razor." He refined his argument until it became wearisome. The younger members called him " the dinner bell," because his rising to speak was a signal for a general departure of the members as if for dinner. It is said that his Speech on Conciliation " emptied the benches "; yet Macaulay says that at the trial of Warren Hastings his speech so affected the audience that "the energy and pathos of the great orator extorted expressions of unwonted admiration from all, and for a moment seemed to pierce even the resolute heart of the defendant. The ladies in the gallery...were in a state of uncontrollable emotion. Handkerchiefs were pulled out, smelling bottles were handed round, hysterical sobs and screams were heard, and some were even carried out in fits." The student will have to take his choice of these conflicting accounts.
As a Literary Man. — For a study of Burke as a literary man and writer it is suggested that the student examine Clark's A Study of English Prose Writers, pages 291-322 (Scribners), or Minto's Manual of English Prose Literature, pages 440-461 (Ginn & Co.).
Life Influence. — During his own time Burke's influence upon affairs was not great except perhaps upon the administration of the affairs of India, in the prosecution of Warren Hastings; but his good influence, through the study of his speeches and political writings, is incalculable. The march of ideas is always more irresistible than the march of armies. Those in power in Burke's time "wielded the thunder of the state "; their armies are dust and their navies have long since passed away; but the force of ideas which Burke mobilized and organized is still taking possession of citadels of INTRODUCTIO.N 39 civilization in all lands where his language is spoken; and thwpwjll take possession of you, students, if you really reaS them, and will, through you as citizens, continue to influence the world for good government and for human right and liberty.
BIBLIOGRAPHY As one of the most important parts of a student's training is the development of the power to find looks upon any subject which he may be studying, it has been considered best not to give extended bibliographies, but rather to give such directions as will enable a student to make out his own bibliographies, and thus to acquire independent power in this important particular.
How to find Books. — The following method is suggested to the student as a guide in his search for books: Let it be supposed that the subject the student wishes to look up is The Causes of the Eevolution. Let him take some shorter history of the United States, say McLaughlin's (D. Appleton and Company), and turn to the word " Revolution " in the index. Here, under this word, he will find " causes of, 169-188." Now let him turn to page 169 and read the chapter. At its close he will find references, with the chapter or pages given, to ten other books. He should now write down in his notebook these references exactly as they are given, and ivlien read out such as are accessible to him. In these books he will find so many other references that he will not need any other bibliography than that which he can find for himself. This can be continued indefinitely.
Taking Notes. — In taking notes of that part of the chapter which will be of use to him, the student should be careful to write after each note the title of the book where it can be found, giving chapter and page, in order that he may be able to refer to it again or to cite his authority for his statement should he be called upon to do so.
Look first at Home for Books. — Oftentimes a student will carry home from the library books copies of which have long lain upon the shelves of the bookcase at home. Examine the books at home before going to the libi-ary.
Scarcity of Books in Smaller Cities and Towns.— Schools in smaller cities and towns often complain of the want of books. It should be remembered that, alv though in these places there may not be so wide a range of books, there are fewer students to use those that may be found. The greatest difficulty in securing books occurs in those cities with large libraries where there are a hundred or more students wanting the same book. Even a small town is certain to contain enough books in private libraries to admit of a fairly successful study of Burke's Speech on Conciliation; and boys and girls who will take good care of these books will be able to borrow them, for those who like to read books like to loan them to persons who will take good care of them. If there be among the students a spirit of helping each other, there will be little difficulty in securing books.
The Bibliography. — The following bibliographies consist of the best and most available books on the subject of Burke's Speech on Conciliation. The books named also contain extended bibliographies.
BIBLIOGRAPHIES The Rise of the Spirit of Resistance I. BRIEF HISTORIES A. McLaughlin's History of the American Nation. D. Appleton and Company. $1.40.
B. McMaster's School History of the United States. American Book Company. $1.
INTRODUCTION 4.} C. Fiske's The American Revolution, 2 vols. Houghton, Mifflin and Company. $4.
D. Leeky's The American Revolution. D. Appleton and Company.
E. G. W. Greene's Historical View of the American Revolution.
Houghton, Mifflin and Company. $1.50.
F. Sloane's The French War and the Revolution. Scribners. $1.25.
G. Fisher's The Colonial Era. Scribners. $1.25.
H. American Commonwealth Series, volumes concerning the Thirteen Original Colonies. Houghton, Mifflin and Company.
I. American Statesmen Series, lives of statesmen concerned in the Revolution. Houghton, Mifflin and Company. $1.25 each.
II. EXTENDED HISTORIES A. Bancroft's History of the United States, 6 vols. D. Appleton and Company. $15.
B. McMaster's History of the People of the United States, 6 vols.
D. Appleton and Company. $15.
C. Hildreth's History of the United States, 6 vols. Harpers. $12.
D. Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of America, 8 vols.
Houghton, Mifflin and Company. $44.
E. Larned's History for Ready Reference and Topical Reading; article, United States; contains many original documents. The C. A. Nichols Company. $30.
F. Tyler's The Literary History of the American Revolution, 2 vols. Putnams. $3 each.
III. ORIGINAL SOURCES A. Parliamentary History of England, volumes covering period of the American Revolution.
B. Dodsley's Annual Register, volumes covering period of the American Revolution.
IV7". BOOKS CONTAINING BIBLIOGRAPHIES A. Channing and Hart's Guide to the Study of American History.
Ginn and Company. $2.
B. Winsor's Reader's Hand-Book of the American Revolution.
Houghton, Mifflin and Company. $1.25.
V. BIBLIOGRAPHY ON THE HOUSE OF COMMONS A. McDonagh's The Boole of Parliament. Isbister and Company, Limited, London. 6s. (Excellent.)
B. Skottowe's A Short History of Parliament. Harpers. $1.25.
C. An Anecdotal History of the British Parliament, Jennings, compiler. I). Appleton and Company. $2.50.
D. Munsey's Magazine for November, 1897, contains a good article on The Parliaments of the World, by Thomas B. Reed.
VI. BIOGRAPHY OF EDMUND BURKE A. Morley's Life of Edmund Burke, English Men of Letters Series.
Harpers. $1.25. (Best short life.)
B. Encyclopedia Britannica, article, Burke, Edimmd, by John Morley; should be read by every student of the Speech on-Conciliation.
VII. BURKE AS A LITERARY MAN A. Clark's A Study of English Prose Writers. Scribners. (Excellent.) Contains good bibliography. $2.
B. Minto's A Manual of English Prose Writers. Ginn and Company; contains excellent discussion of Burke's style. $1.50.
VIII. THE STUDY OF ARGUMENTATION A. Baker's Principles of Argumentation. Ginn and Company; the standard work. $1.12.
B. Brookings and Ringwalt's Briefs for Debate. Longmans, Green and Company. $1.25.
IX. WHAT EVERY STUDENT OF BURKE'S SPEECH ON CONCILIATION SHOULD READ A. Samuel Johnson's Taxation no Tyranny, Johnson's works.
This pamphlet states the English side of the case.
B. Burke's Speech on American Taxation and Burke's Letter tothe Sheriffs of Bristol, Burke's works. The Speech on Amerrican Taxation states the American side of the case.
C. Beer's The Commercial Policy of England toward the American Colonies. The Macmillau Company. $1.
INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF THE BRIEF The Thing of the Greatest Importance in the Comprehending of Burke's Argument. — Burke's Speech on Conciliation is an answer to Lord North's " project " (paragraph 10), entitled Propositions for Conciliating the Differences with America, the text of which is given in the note on paragraph 10, page 140. Burke's argument can not be comprehended without a thorough knowledge of this " project." The student should master its meaning. The following diagram gives the simple plan of Burke's Speech: CONCILIATION (agreed to by both North and Burke).
North's method 1 (wrong).
Burke's method (right).
Burke contrasts the two methods.
The First Reading of the Speech. — It is well-nigh impossible for a student to succeed in making a correct brief of Burke's Speech on Conciliation without having first familiarized himself with the Speech by giving it several careful readings. The student is advised to give the Speech at least one very careful reading, examining the notes upon each paragraph as he reads it, in order to understand such expressions as "the grand penal bill," " the object," " the statute of Henry the Eighth," etc.
The Making of the Brief. — The skeleton brief here given is so arranged as to induct the student gradually into the making of the complete brief. The brief of the Introduction to the Speech is given in full as a model. The student should compare it carefully with the first fourteen paragraphs of the Speech, observing how the paragraphs are reduced to sentences by finding the central thought of each. Occasionally a paragraph will contain two or more separate and important thoughts. If the student will carefully compare the Introduction with the brief of the Introduction, he will have no trouble in completing, by his own efforts, the brief of the remainder of the Speech on Conciliation.
The System of Numbering in the Brief. — In the brief of the Speech — 1. The larger divisions of the Speech have been marked in bold-faced capitals, thus: A, B, C, etc.
2. Subdivisions of 1., thus: I, II, III, etc.
3. Subdivisions of 2, ordinary capitals, thus: A, B, C, etc.
4. Subdivisions of 3, Arabic figures, thus: 1, 2, 3, etc.
5. Subdivisions of 4, small letters, thus: a, b, c, etc. The following will illustrate the scheme of numbering: A.
I. II.
A. B.
1. 2. 3.
a.
b.
c.
d.
In the brief here given, directions to the student are inclosed in brackets, and the numbers of paragraphs of the Speech in marks of parenthesis, as in the following example: [Here follow with reasons, numbering 1, 2, 3..
Final Instructions for the Comparison of the Brief of the Introduction with the Introduction to the Speech, — If the student will work this out carefully, he will save many hours of fruitless labor.
Observe the following reduction of paragraphs to brief sentences: Paragraph (1) to I.
Paragraph (2) to II.
Paragraphs (3) and (4) to III, followed by a reason for the statement made therein, and marked A.
Paragraphs (5), (6), (7), and (8) to IV, followed by reasons A, B, and C: Paragraph (9) to V.
Paragraph (10) to VI, followed by a reason, A.
Paragraphs (11), (12), and a part of (13) to VII, followed by reasons A, B, C, and D.
The latter part of paragraph (13) to VIII, followed by reasons A and B.
This brings Burke to the statement, in paragraph (14), of the two questions which he intends to discuss in the Brief Proper, and which, in the Brief of the Introduction here given, are stated in A and B under IX.
In the latter part of paragraph (14), he bridges the chasm between the Introduction and the Argument of the Speech by the statement which is reduced to X.
The student should follow out this explanation with painstaking care, reading each paragraph from his book, and then reading the sentence to which the paragraph has been reduced. The Brief of the Introduction here given he should use as a model for the Brief Proper, which, to a great extent, he must make out for him. self.
The Use of Full Sentences in Brief-making. — A brief should be made out in concise but complete sentences, not in phrases.
BRIEF OP BURKE'S SPEECH ON CONCILIATION I. The return of the grand penal bill gives Parliament another opportunity to choose a plan for the government of the American colonies (1). II. When Burke first entered Parliament, the gravity of this subject obliged him to take more than common pains to instruct himself in everything relating to it, and he arrived at fixed ideas (2).
III. He has continued ever since in his original sentiments (3); but Parliament, with the opportunity of an enlarged view, has frequently made unjustifiable changes in its sentiments (4); for— A. Its changes of policy have kept America in a state of continual agitation (4).
IV. Burke feels compelled to address the House (5-8)> for — A. Public sentiment now demands that the minority cease opposing, and present a plan for the government of America (5).
B. Though a member of the minority should not hazard plans of government (6), public calamity forces decorum to yield to a higher duty (7).
/Qy. C. His insignificance itself will cause his plan to be discussed upon its merit alone (8).
V. Burke's proposition is to secure peace by remov* ing the grounds of difference (9).
VI. Burke's plan may disappoint some people (10), for — A. It is so simple that it will not appeal to the curious (10).
VII. Burke's plan derives advantages from the proposition and registry of Lord North's project (11), A. By accepting Lord North's resolution, the House has declared that conciliation is admissible' (11).
B. By accepting Lord North's resolution, the House has declared conciliation admissible previous to any submission on the part of the colonies (12).
C. By accepting Lord North's resolution, the House has gone further, and has admitted that complaints about the former mode of taxation have not been wholly unfounded (12).
D. Though Burke's plan differs from Lord North's as to mode, it is based on the same principle — that of conciliation VIII. The proposal for peace ought to originate with England (13); for— A. England, being the superior power, may offer peace with honor and safety (13). IX. Parliament has, then, two capital leading questions to consider (14): A. Whether England ought to concede (14).
B. What the concession should be (14).
X. Parliament should determine both of these questions, not upon abstract ideas of right or upon mere general theories of government, but according to the true nature and the peculiar circumstances of the case (14).
BRIEF PEOPEE Direct proof A. England ought to conciliate the American colonies I. The nature and circumstances of "the object " require conciliation (15), for (15-30) — A. [Give here, in a complete sentence., the reason given in (15-16).]
B. [Give, as in A, reason in (17-28).
Find reasons for B, numbering 1 and 2; and if reasons are given for either of these, state and mark a, b, etc. Arrange as follows: 1.
a. 2.
a.
b.
Refutation II. Prudent management of the colonies is better than force (32), for (32-36)— [Find four reasons for the above statement, write in condensed but complete sentences, and mark with capital letters, placing after each reason, in marks of parenthesis, the number of the paragraph wherein the reason is given.]
III. [State the third general reason] (37), for— A. The spirit of liberty is stronger in the English colonies than in any other people on the earth (38), for — [Here follow with reasons, num- IV. Something must be done with the fierce spirit of liberty which has grown up (46), for— .4^- Coercion has failed (46), for — ~**^i [State three unhappy results of coercion (46, 47), numbering as heretofore.]
V. Of three possible methods of dealing with America, the third only is feasible (48), A. [State first method, and find reasons for its impossibility, numbering 1, 2, etc., and if reasons are given for these, state and mark a, b, etc., as B. [Work out as you did A (59-64).]
C. The third method, being the only one left, we must therefore adopt Direct proof (The nature of the concession) We must satisfy the complaint of the colonies that they are taxed in a Parliament in which they are not represented (66), for (66-88)— I. To please (conciliate) any people, you must give them the boon which they ask Refutation II. The argument that England has a legal right to tax the colonies is immaterial A. It is not a question of right, but of policy (67).
B. [Find another reason in (68)], for — 1. As a matter of policy, we should [complete this reason] (69).
III. The objection that a repeal of the revenue laws would be followed by an attack upon the trade laws (71) is illogical, for (70-75)— IV. That the colonies will go further still (76) is untrue, for (76-77)— A. [Find reason implied in (76).]
Direct proof jy.)The genius of the English Constitution (the former policy) sustains Burke's plan of conciliation (79), for (80-87)— [Here work out as reasons, and mark correctly, the four great examples in (80-87), and the fifth, or summary, in (88), with reasons for each, if any are given.]
(The method of the concession) C. Although the distance prevents colonial represents^ tion in Parliament, a substitute for that method I. The ancient constitutional policy of the kingdom has taught Parliament (90, 91) — A. To establish the equity and justice of a taxation in America by grant, and not by imposition (91).
[Follow in B, C, and D, with three other items given in (91).]
II. Parliament would command an immediate peace by admitting the following propositions (92): A. That the colonies have no representation in Parliament (93).
B. That the colonies have been " touched and grieved " by unjust taxation [Work out reasons in (95, 96).]
C. [Briefly state the third proposition D. [Briefly state the fourth proposition (98), giving reasons for (99).]
E. [Briefly state the fifth proposition (100), stating reasons given in F. [Briefly state the sixth proposition (106), with reasons, if any are CONCLUSION A. Since it has been proved that coercion has failed, and that true conciliation has succeeded, shall not Parliament conclude to remove the discontent of the colonies by agreeing to " three consequential propositions"? [See (117), and for the "three consequential propositions " see (109), (114), and 52 BURKE'S SPEECH ON CONCILIATION.
I. Parliament would remove discontent among the colonies by repealing the penal acts enumerated in the resolution (109), for — A. The Boston Port Bill is unjust (110), for— [Work out two reasons in (110).]
B. [State reason in (111).]
C. [State reason in (112).]
D. [State reason in (113).]
II. Parliament would remove discontent by securing a fair and unbiased judicature in the colonies (114).
III. Parliament would remove discontent by regulating the courts of admiralty (115), so that they should be more commodiously situated and should render justice (116).
Refutation B. " Here I should close; but I perceive some objections remain, which I ought, if possible, to remove.'* I. The objection that the colonies will apply the concession made (government by grant) to all parts of legislative authority (118) can not be sustained, for — [Work out reasons in (119-121).] II. [State the objection in (122), and work out reasons in refutation in same paragraph.]
III. Lord North's plan is open to many objections [Work out seven reasons for this statement in (124-131), with reasons for I> IV. A comparison of Lord North's plan with Burke'?
will show which should be chosen (132), for-^ [Work out contrasts in (132) as reasons.]
V. The objection that Burke's plan will give no revenue (133) can not be sustained, for — [Work out reasons in (133-136).]
PERORATION I. [State, in a single sentence, the thought in II. [State, in a sentence, the thought in (139).] III. Burke therefore moves his resolutions (140- EDMUND BURKE.
EDMUND BURKE'S SPEECH ON MOVING HIS RESOLUTIONS FOR CONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES Delivered in the House of Commons, March 22, 177 f [1] I HOPE, Sir, that, notwithstanding the austerity of the Chair, your good nature will incline you to some degree of indulgence toward human frailty. You will not think it unnatural that those who have an object depending which strongly engages their hopes and fears should be somewhat inclined to superstition. As I came into the House, full of anxiety about the event of my motion, I found, to my infinite surprise, that the grand penal bill, by which we had passed sentence on the trade and sustenance of America, is to be returned to us from the other House. I do confess, I could not help looking on this event as a fortunate omen. I look upon it as a sort of providential favor by which we are put once more in possession of our deliberative capacity, upon a business so very questionable in its nature, so very uncertain in its issue. By the return of this bill, which seemed to have taken its flight forever, we aro at this very instant nearly as free to choose a plan for our American government as we were on the first day of the session. If, Sir, we incline to the side of conciliation, we are not at all */ */ embarrassed (unless we please to make ourselves so) by any incongruous mixture of coercion and restraint. We are therefore called upon, as it were, by a superior warning voice, again to attend to America; to attend to the whole of it together; and to review the subject with an unusual degree of care and calmness.
[2] Surely it is an awful subject; or there is none so on this side of the grave. When I first had the honor of a seat in this House, the affairs of that continent pressed themselves upon us as the most important and most delicate object of parliamentary attention. My little share in this great deliberation oppressed me. I found myself a partaker in a very high trust; and having no sort of reason to rely on the strength of my natural abilities for the proper execution of that trust, I was obliged to take more than common pains to instruct myself in everything which relates to our colonies. I was not less under the necessity of forming some fixed ideas concerning the general policy of the British Empire. Something of this sort seemed to be indispensable, in order, amidst so vast a fluctuation of passions and opinions, to concenter my thoughts, to ballast my conduct, to preserve me from being blown about by every wind of fashionable doctrine. I really did not think it safe or manly to have fresh principles to seek upon every fresh mail which should arrive from America.
[3] At that period I had the fortune to find myself in perfect concurrence with a large majority in this House. Bowing under that high authority, and penetrated with the sharpness and strength of that early impression, I have continued ever since, without the least deviation, in my original sentiments. Whether this be owing to an obstinate perseverance in error, or to a religious adherence to what appears to me truth and reason, it is in your equity to jiidge.
j^j Sir, Parliament, having an enlarged view of objects, made, during this interval, more frequent changes in their sentiments and their conduct than could be justified in a particular person upon the contracted scale of private information. But though I do not hazard anything approaching to censure on the motives of former parliaments to all those alterations, one fact is undoubted — that under them the state of America has been kept in continual agitation. Everything administered as remedy to the public complaint, if it did not produce, was at least followed by, a heightening of the distemper; until, by a variety of evperiments, that important country has been brought into her present situation — a situation which I will not miscall, which I dare not name; which I scarcely know how to comprehend in the terms of any description.
[5] In this posture, Sir, things stood at the beginning of the session. About that time a worthy member of great parliamentary experience, who in the year 1766, filled the chair of the American Committee with much ability, took me aside, and, lamenting the present aspect of our politics, told me, things were come to such a pass that our former methods of proceeding in the House would be no longer tolerated; that the public tribunal (never too indulgent to a long and unsuccessful opposition) would now scrutinize our conduct with unusual severity; that the very vicissitudes and shif tings of ministerial measures, instead of convicting their authors of inconstancy and want of system, would be taken as an occasion of charging us with a predetermined discontent which nothing could satisfy, while we accused every measure of vigor ' as cruel, and every proposal of lenity as weak and irresolute. The public, he said, would not have patience to see us play the game out with our adversaries: we must produce our hand It would be expected that those who for many years had been "active in such affairs should show that they had formed some clear and decided idea of the principles of colony government; and were capable of drawing out something like a platform of the ground which might be laid for future and permanent tranquillity.
[6] I felt the truth of what my honorable friend represented; but I felt my situation, too. His application might have been made with far greater propriety to many other gentlemen. No man was indeed ever better disposed, or worse qualified, for such an undertaking than myself. Though I gave so far in to his opinion that I immediately threw my thoughts into a sort of parliamentary form, I was by no means equally ready to produce them. It generally argues some degree of natural impotence of mind, or some want of knowledge of the world- to hazard plans of government except from a seat of authority. Propositions are made, not only ineffectually, but somewhat disreputably, when the minds of men are not properly disposed for their reception; and for my part, I am not ambitious of ridicule; not absolutely a candidate for disgrace.
[7] Besides, Sir, to speak the plain truth, I have in general no very exalted opinion of the virtue of paper government, nor of any politics in which the plan is to be wholly separated from the execution. But when I saw that anger and violence prevailed every day more and more, and that things were hastening toward an incurable alienation of our colonies, I confess my caution gave way. I felt this as one of those few moments in which decorum yields to a higher duty. Public calamity is a mighty leveler; and there are occasions when any, even the slightest, chance of doing good must be laid hold on, even by the most inconsiderable person.
BUKKE'S SPEECH ON CONCILIATION 59 [8] To restore order and repose to an empire so great and so distracted as ours, is, merely in the attempt, an undertaking that would ennoble the flights of the highest genius, and obtain pardon for the efforts of the meanest understanding. Struggling a good while with these thoughts, by degrees I felt myself more firm. I derived, at length, some confidence from what in other circumstances usually produces timidity. I grew less anxious, even from the idea of my own insignificance. For, judging of what you are by what you ought to be, (1 persuaded myself that you would not reject a reasonable proposition because it had nothing but its reason to recommend it.} On the other hand, being totally destitute of all shadow of influence, natural or adventitious, I was very sure that, if my proposition were futile or dangerous, if it were weakly conceived, or improperly timed, there was nothing exterior to it, of power to awe, dazzle, or delude you. You will see it just as it is; and you will treat it just as it deserves.
[9] The proposition is peace. Xot peace through the medium of war; not peace to be hunted through the labyrinth of intricate and endless negotiations; not peace to arise out of universal discord, fomented from principle, in all parts of the empire; not peace to de» pend on the juridical determination of perplexing questions, or the precise marking the shadowy boundaries of a complex government. It is simple peace, sought in its natural course, and in its ordinary haunts. It is peace sought in the spirit of peace, and laid in principles purely pacific. I propose, by removing the ground of the difference, and by restoring the former unsuspecting ^ confidence of the colonies in the mother country, to give permanent satisfaction to your people; and (far from a scheme of ruling by discord) to reconcile them to each other in the same act, and by the bond of the very same interest which reconciles them to British government.
[10] My idea is nothing more. Kenned policy ever has been the parent of confusion; and ever will be so, as long as the world endures. Plain good intention, which is as easily discovered at the first view, as fraud is surely detected at last, is, let me say, of no mean force in the government of mankind. Genuine simplicity of heart is a healing and cementing principle. My plan, therefore, being formed upon the most simple grounds imaginable, may disappoint some people when they hear it. It has nothing to recommend it to the pruriency of curious ears. There is nothing at all new and captivating in it. It has nothing of the splendor of the project which has been lately laid upon your table by the noble lord in the blue ribbon. It does not propose to fill your lobby with squabbling colony agents, who will require the interposition of your mace at every instant to keep.the peace among them.//It does not institute a magnificent auction of finance, where captivated provinces come to general ransom by bidding against each other, until you knock down the hammer, and determine a proportion of payments beyond all the powers of algebra to equalize and settle. // [IT] The plan which I shall presume to suggest derives, however, one great advantage from the proposition and registry of that noble lord's project, — the idea of conciliation is admissible. First, the House, in accepting the resolution moved by the noble lord, has admitted, notwithstanding the menacing front of our address, notwithstanding our heavy bills of pains and penalties, that we do not think ourselves precluded from all ideas of free grace and bounty.
[12] The House has gone further: it has declared c Miciliation admissible, previous to any submission on the part of America. It has even shot a good deal beyond that mark, and has admitted that the complaints of our former mode of exerting the right of taxation were not wholly unfounded. That right thus exerted is allowed to have had something reprehensible in it, something unwise, or something grievous; since, in the midst of our heat and resentment, we, of ourselves, have proposed a capital alteration; and, in order to get rid of what seemed so very exceptionable, have instituted a mode that is altogether new; one that is, indeed, wholly alien from all the ancient methods and forms of Parliament.
[13] The principle of this proceeding is large enough for my purpose. The means proposed by the noble lord for carrying his ideas into execution, I think, indeed, are very indifferently suited to the end; and this I shall endeavor to show you before I sit down. But, for the present, I take my ground on the admitted principle. I mean to give peace. Peace implies reconciliation; and, where there has been a material dispute, reconciliation does in a manner always imply concession on the one part or on the other. In this state of things I make no difficulty in affirming that the proposal ought to originate from us. Great and acknowledged force is not impaired, either in effect or in opinion, by an unwillingness to exert itself. The superior power may offer peace with honor and Avith safety. Such an offer from such a power will be attributed to magnanimity. But the concessions of the weak are the concessions of fear. When such a one is disarmed, he is wholly at the mercy of his superior; and he loses forever that time and those chances, which, as they happen to all men, are the strength and resources of all inferior power.
[14] The capital leading questions on which you must this day decide are these two: First, whether you (52 BURKE'S SPEECH ON CONCILIATION ought to concede^ and secondly, what your concession ought to be. On the first of these questions we have gained (as I have just taken the liberty of observing to you) some ground. But I am sensible that a good deal more is still to be done. Indeed, Sir, to enable us to determine both on the one and the other of these great questions with a firm and precise judgment, I think it may be necessary to consider distinctly the true nature and the peculiar circumstances of the object which we have before us; because after all our struggle, whether we will or not, we must govern America according to that nature and to those circumstances, and not according to our own imaginations, nor according to abstract ideas of right; by no means according to mere general theories of government, the resort to which appears to me, in our present situation, no better than arrant trifling. I shall therefore endeavor, with your leave, to lay before you some of the most material of these circumstances in as full and as clear a manner as I am able to state them.