and you break that sole bond which originally made, and must still preserve, the unity of the empire. Do not entertain so weak an imagination as that your registers and your bonds, your affidavits and your sufferances, your cockets and your clearances, are what form the great securities of your commerce. Do not dream that your letters of office and your instructions and your suspending clauses are the things that hold together the great contexture of the mysterious whole. These things do not make your government. Dead instruments, passive tools as they are, it is the spirit of the English communion that gives all their life and efficacy to them. It is the spirit of the English Constitution, which, infused through the mighty mass, pervades, feeds, unites, invigorates, vivifies every part of the empire, even down to the minutest member.
[138] Is it not the same virtue which does everything for us here in England? Do you imagine, then, that it is the Land Tax Act which raises your revenue? that it is the annual vote in the committee of supply which gives you your army? or that it is the Mutiny Bill which inspires it with bravery and discipline? No! surely no! It is the love of the people; it is their attachment to their government, from the sense of the deep stake they have in such a glorious institution, which gives you your army and your navy, and infuses into both that liberal obedience without which your army would be a base rabble, and your navy nothing but rotten timber.
[139] All this, I know well enough, will sound wild and chimerical to the profane herd of those vulgar and mechanical politicians who have no place among us — a sort of people who think that nothing exists but what is gross and material; and who, therefore, far from being qualified to be directors of the great movement of empire, are not fit to turn a wheel in the machine. But to men truly initiated and rightly taught, these ruling and master principles which, in the opinion of such men as I have mentioned, have no substantial existence, are ii>. truth everything, and all in all. Magnanimity in politics is not seldom the truest wisdom; and a great empire and little minds go ill together. If we are conscious of our situation and glow with zeal to fill our place as becomes our station and ourselves, we ought to auspi* cate all our public proceedings on America with the old warning of the church, Sursum corda! We ought to elevate our minds to the greatness of that trust to which the order of Providence has called us. By adverting to the dignity of this high calling, our ancestors have turned a savage wilderness into a glorious empire, and have made the most extensive, and the only honorable conquests, not by destroying, but by promoting the wealth, the number, the happiness of the human race. Let us get an American revenue as we have got an American empire. English privileges have made it all that it is; English privileges alone will make it all it can be.
[140] In full confidence of this unalterable truth, I now (quod felix faustumque sit) lay the first stone of the temple of peace; and I move you — That the colonies and plantations of Great Britain in North America, consisting of fourteen separate governments, and containing two millions and upwards of free inhabitants, have not had the liberty and privilege of electing and sending any knights and burgesses, or others, to represent them in the high court of Parliament.
[End of speech, as delivered.]
[141] Upon this resolution the previous question was put, but the resolution failed of adoption— yeas 78, noes 270.
[142] As the propositions were opened separately in the bpdy of the speech, the reader perhaps may wish to see the whole of them together in the form in which they were moved for. The first four motions and the last had the previous question put on them. The others were negatived. The words in italics were, by amendment, left out of the motion. Moved, [143] That the colonies and plantations of Great Britain in North America, consisting of fourteen separate governments, and containing two millions and upwards of free inhabitants, have not had the liberty and privilege of electing and sending any knights and burgesses, or others, to represent them in the high court of Parliament.
[144] That the said colonies and plantations have been made liable to, and bounden by, several subsidies, payments, rates, and taxes, given and granted by Parliament, though the said colonies and plantations have not their knights and burgesses in the said high court of Parliament, of their own election, to represent the condition of their country; by lack whereof they have been oftentimes touched and grieved by subsidies given, granted, and assented to, in the said court, in a manner prejudicial to the commomvealth, quietness, rest, and peace of the subjects inhabiting within the same.
[145] That from the distance of the said colonies, and from other circumstances, no method hath hitherto been devised for procuring a representation in Parliament for the said colonies.
[146] That each of the said colonies hath within itself a body, chosen in part or in the whole by the freemen, freeholders, or other free inhabitants thereof, commonly called the General Assembly, or General Court; with powers legally to raise, levy, and assess, according to the several usage of such colonies, duties and taxes toward defraying all sorts of public services.
[147] That the said General Assemblies, General Courts, or other bodies, legally qualified as aforesaid, have at sundry times freely granted several large subsidies and public aids for his Majesty's service, according to their abilities, when required thereto by letter from one of his Majesty's principal secretaries of state; and that their right to grant the same and their cheerfulness and sufficiency in the said grants have been at sundry times acknowledged by Parliament.
[148] That it hath been found by experience that the manner of granting the said supplies and aids by the said General Assemblies hath been more agreeable to the inhabitants of the said colonies, and more beneficial and conducive to the public service, than the mode of giving and granting aids and subsidies in Parliament to be raised and paid in the said colonies.
[149] That it may be proper to repeal an act made in the seventh year of the reign of his present Majesty, entitled, " An act for granting certain duties in the British colonies and plantations in America; for allowing a drawback of the duties of customs, upon the exportation from this kingdom, of coffee and cocoanuts, of the produce of the said colonies or plantations; for discontinuing the drawbacks payable on China earthenware exported to America; and for more effectually preventing the clandestine running of goods in the said colonies and plantations."
[150] That it may be proper to repeal an act made in the fourteenth year of the reign of his present Majesty, entitled, "An act to discontinue, in such manner and for such time as are therein mentioned, the landing and discharging, lading or shipping of goodt,, wares, and merchandise, at the town and within the harbor of Boston, in the province of Massachusetts Bay, in North America."
[151] That it may be proper to repeal an act, made in the fourteenth year of the reign of his present Majesty, entitled, " An act for the impartial administration of justice in cases of persons questioned for any acts done by them in the execution of the law, or for the suppression of riots and tumults, in the province of Massachusetts Bay, in New England."
[152] That it is proper to repeal an act, made in the fourteenth year of the reign of his present Majesty, entitled, " An act for the better regulating the government of the province of Massachusetts Bay, in New England."
[153] That it is proper to explain and amend an act made in the thirty-fifth year of the reign of King Henry the Eighth, entitled, "An act for the trial of treasons committed out of the king's dominions."
[154] That from the time when the General Assembly, or General Court, of any colony or plantation in North America, shall have appointed, by act of Assembly duly confirmed, a settled salary to the offices of the chief justice and other judges of the superior courts, it may be proper that the said chief justice and other judges of the superior courts of such colony shall hold his and their office and offices during their good behavior, and shall not be removed therefrom but when the said removal shall be adjudged by his Majesty in council, upon a hearing on complaint from the General Assembly, or on a complaint from the governor, or council, or the House of Eepresentatives, severally, of the colony in which the said chief justice and other judges have exercised the said office.
[155] That it may be proper to regulate the courts of admiralty or vice-admiralty authorized by the fifteenth chapter of the fourth of George the Third, in such a manner as to make the same more commodious to those who sue or are sued in the said courts, and to provide for the more decent maintenance of the judges of the same.
^[ 1. Sir. The Speaker of the House of Commons, at that time Sir Fletcher Norton.
Austerity of the Chair. The office of Speaker of the House of Commons necessitates the use of the most impartial judgment. Burke had some cause to mollify the austerity of the Chair, and for begging a degree of " indulgence toward human frailty "; for he had the habit of delivering long speeches, interesting to read, but tiresome to hear. Despite contradictory statements of contemporaries that he was or was not a pleasing speaker, Burke must at times have been very tedious and wearisome to his hearers. It is impossible that such a speech as the Speech on Conciliation should have been intelligible, in all its interrelations and in its interdependence, to any except the most intelligent members of the House of Commons. Burke, in the overrefinement of his argument, usually shot above his audience. His speeches had to be studied to be under* stood. For example, one member who left the House in disgust upon the day of this speech afterward carried a copy in his pocket, in order to read and reread it, until the copy was worn out. At times Burke's tiresomeness was such that when he arose many members promptly left the hall, to return only when Burke had finished or when a vote was to be taken. The younger members called him " the dinner bell," because his arising was the signal for a general departure o> the members, as if for dinner. Goldsmith wrote of him: "...Too deep for his hearers, still went on refining, And thought of convincing while the}' thought of dining."
His first sentence indicates that he was somewhat reluctant to begih another long speech, yet his conviction of the exigencies of the cas% was such that he could not refrain from speaking.
Ohject depending: of course, the conciliation of the colonies. The passage by the House of Commons of the Grand Penal Bill, which Burke had vigorously opposed, compelled him to resort to other means than the discussion of the taxation question to secure the liberties of the colonists and the commercial prosperity of England; so he purposed, on this day, March 22, 1775, to secure an admission from the House of Commons, by the introduction and passage of the resolutions given at the close of the speech, that the colonists did not have the rights of Englishmen as guaranteed to them in their charters. The passage of these resolutions (which see, ^f 140 and following), which it would seem almost impossible to vote against, would be a virtual confession by the ministerial party that the Grand Penal Bill and Lord North s •' project " (If 10, note) were iniquitous. The placing of the ministry in an equivocal situation was a part of the " object depending."
Event of my motion. This means the result of the putting of his resolutions, llf 140-155.
Grand Penal Bill. This was a bill introduced by Lord North, the Prime Minister, on February 10, 1775, to prevent the Ne-? England colonies from carrying on trade with any country except Great Britain, Ireland, and the British West Indies, and to restrict their fishing in the Newfoundland fisheries under conditions that would render profitable fishing impossible. The title of the Grand Penal Bill was as follows: "An act to restrain the commerce of the provinces of Massachusetts Bay and New Hampshire, and colonies of Connecticut and Rhode Island, and Providence Plantation, in North America, to Great Britain, Ireland, and the British Islands in the West Indies; and to prohibit such provinces and colonies from carrying on any fishery on the Banks of Newfoundland, and other places therein mentioned, under certain conditions and limitations."
The colonists had refused to receive the British tea ships or to carry on trade with British merchants on account of the Tea Act. Lord North, like the dog in the manger, determined that if they would not trade with Great Britain they should not trade anywhere. As the inhabitants of nearly all of the New England coast towns were engaged in fishing, principally in the Newfoundland fisheries, the clause concerning fishing would result in throwing them out of employment, thus proving a terrible retaliation for their refusing to trade with Great Britain. Burke had resisted the passage of the bill, but it had passed in spite of him, and had been sent to the House of Lords. The unsympathetic House of Lords was, of course, expected to pass the bill at once. They did better. They returned it with the recommendation that it be so amended as to include all NOTES ON THE TEXT 137the other colonies except New York, Delaware, North Carolina, and Georgia. Burke chooses to regard this return of the bill to the House of Commons almost as a special providence, for thus the House was " put once more in possession of its deliberative capacity ": that is, it was able to discuss again the original question, and was " nearly as free to choose a plan for...American government as...on the first day of the session."
If we incline to the side of conciliation: a reference to Lord North's resolution, which is given under " the project " in the notes on ^[ 10, which see. It was this bill which Burke says would bring about an " auction of finance," ^f 10.
Coercion and restraint. In what particular were the colonists coerced? In what restrained? Is this an "incongruous mixture " I Superior warning voice. What does Burke mean by this?
^[ 2. An awful subject. These words, so real to Burke, must have meant little or nothing to the average member of the House. Our modern knowledge of the tremendous destinies in store for those colonies will show us how deep and clear must have been Burke's insight, and make us cease to wonder that he risked another concession to his '• frailty."
First had the honor of a seat: in 1766, about the time of the repeal of the Stamp Act, which was repealed by a large majority in the Rockingham administration.
I was obliged to take more than common pains. Burke knew more about America than did any other man in England. Students of this speech can not fail to discover the marvelous skill and patience with which Burke had "collected material" for his speech. He seemed to know every detail; as, for example, in ^ 18 to 25 and 103. In the Letter to the Sheriffs of Bristol he says: "I think I know America. If I do not, my ignorance is incurable, for I have spared no pains to understand it."
Fixed ideas. Ideas based upon true principles of government; not vacillating ideas, but ideas based upon a thorough understanding of the situation; ideas that could not be " blown about by every wind of fashionable doctrine" (Ephesians iv, 14), as the opinions of men who have but little information upon a subject are likely to undergo a change upon the receipt of new information. (See note on "occasional system," ^j" 16.)
^[ 3. In perfect concurrence. See note on " first had the honor of ^[ 4. Enlarged view. Members of the House of Commons wer« constantly studying the great questions of the hour, and, like Burke, were bringing to the notice of the House information not attainable in the aggregate by any individual, so Parliament would have " an enlarged view " upon any public question.
Complaint. Used in the sense of " disease "; the same is true of distemper.
^f 5. A worthy member: Mr. Rose Fuller, member for Rye.
Filled the chair of the American Committee: occupied the chair when the House sat as a committee of the whole on American affairs Former methods: that is, the plan of obstructing the passage of any bill proposed by the majority or government party, as had been the conduct, during that session, of the minority, of which Burk? was a member.
Public tribunal: the English voting public. In England a ses sion of the House of Commons usually comes to an end when tin, majority party suffers defeat upon some important measure; theiu the House is prorogued and a new election is held, in which, if,•» majority for the old government party is again returned and thus placed in power, it is considered that the nation, or " the public tribunal," has ratified the conduct of the majority or government party. If a majority for the opposition is returned, it is understood that the former government party has, as might be said, been convicted before " the public tribunal," and deposed.
Play the game out: comparison of the contest between the majority and the opposition to a game at cards.
Produce our hand: to cease obstructing legislation, and to propose our own plan in the place of the one we have been opposing. As nearly all the members of the House of Commons gambled at cards, Burke's figure was doubtless well understood.
Principles of colony government. See note on " fixed ideas," ^[ 2.
Platform: a statement of principles, like that issued by American political parties of to-day.
^[ 6. Seat of authority: emanating from the ministry.
Disreputably. Propositions which would prove not only ineffectual, but which would also prove discreditable to the proposer.
Tf 7. Paper government: theoretical schemes for government not based on actual experience; for example, Locke's Grand Model of a constitution for an empire in the Carolinas.
Wholly separated: a plan to be executed by others than those by whom it was proposed.
T 8. Judging of what you are. The study of one's audience is one of the most important things to be considered in the making of an argument. No good lawyer would plead the same cause in the same manner before two different juries. Is Burke's proposition here a wise basis to argue from.'
Influence, natural or adventitious: natural, arising from natural ability; adventitious, due to rank, station, or to circumstances not within one's self.
You will treat it just as it deserves. Did Burke actually believe this i or is this a persuasive device to secure from the House an unprejudiced vote?
^[ 9. The proposition is peace: that is, Lord North's proposition in the resolution which is given in a note on ^f 10. In this bill Lord North proposes a method for securing peace.
Universal discord, fomented from principle: another reference to the resolution which is given in ^[ 10. Study the resolution. Colonel Barre, a member of the opposition, had accused the Prime Minister of adopting the famous maxim of Machiavelli, " divide and govern," the principle by means of which a number of French kings had ruled; or, in other words, to conquer one's enemies by adroitly fomenting disputes among them, and thus weaken them by causing them to expend their rebellious energies upon each other. Burke's phrase therefore contains a covert thrust at the ministry.
Juridical determination: the settlement of a perplexing question in colonial affairs by the application of the letter rather than the spirit or original intention of the law. For example, in New York and New England ten thousand beaver hats were made annually. The exportation of these hats was injuring the interests of English hat makers. They complained to Parliament. Parliament did not prohibit the making of hats in the colonies. It settled the " perplexing question " by a " juridical determination." It applied to the case, in 1732, the " apprentice law " of Queen Elizabeth, a law made bcfor- either New York or New England existed. This law required all hat makers to have served an apprenticeship of seven years. No master should have more than two apprentices, and these must serve seven years. Thus a factory with but one master hat maker could have but three workmen. This is an example of what Burke means by an " occasional system." (See note on " occac sional system," \ 16.)
The meaning of the phrase "juridical determination" should be mastered by the student, as the principle involved underlay the policy of Lord North's ministry. It is this principle which is the object of Burke's attack.
Peace sought in the spirit of peace. Lord North had proposed to conciliate the colonies, but his plan for securing peace by the so-called " conciliation " was by retaliation and punishment in case of a refusal to accept his proposition. It was to foment disputes among the colonists rather than to seek their friendship.
Former unsuspecting confidence...This phrase had been used by the Colonial Congress in Philadelphia a year before to express gratification felt on account of the repeal of the Stamp Act. It should be noticed here with what force Burke uses the statement of the colonists to drive home his implied charge that Lord North's policy was based on treachery, chicanery, and deceit.
It will be observed that almost every sentence in ^f 9 contains a thrust at Lord North, the Prime Minister.
^[ 10. Refined policy: modern term for this is "sharp practice," double dealing, or conduct opposed to that which is open and frank.
Pruriency: an itching desire to hear out of curiosity rather than from any real or proper interest in the subject.
The project. Lord North's "project," which passed the House February 27, 1775t was entitled " Propositions for Conciliating the Differences with America." The resolution is as follows: " That when the governor, council, or assembly, or general court, of any of his Majesty's provinces or colonies in America, shall propose to make provision, according to the condition, circumstances, and situation of such province or colony, for contributing their proportion to the common defense (such proportion to be raised under the authority of_£h_e jjeneral cpurt_pr general assembly of such province or colony, and disposable by Parliament), and shall engage to make provision also for~Ttre support of the civil government and the administration of justice, in such province or colony, it will be proper, if such proposal shall be approved by his Majesty and the two Houses of Parliament, and for so long as such provision shall be made accordingly, to forbear, in respect of such province or colony, to levy any duty, tax, or assessment, or to impose any further duty, tax, or assessment, except such duties as it may be expedient to continue to levy or impose, for regulation of commerce; the net produce of the duties last mentioned to be carried to the account of such province or colony respectively."
As this is the resolution which provoked Burke's speech, its meaning should be mastered by the student. He should study the resolution until he finds out the phrases which would give Lord North loopholes of escape from his part of the agreement in case of necessity. For example, what taxes might be levied and collected under the phrase " for regulation of commerce," near the close of the paragraph?
Noble lord in the blue ribbon: Lord North, who was a Knight of the Garter. The badge of this order was a blue ribbon.
Frederick North was the second son of the Earl of Guilford, and therefore not a "lord" except by courtesy. Sons and younger brothers of peers are " lords " only by courtesy; legally they are only commoners. North, however, succeeded to a lordship upon the death of his father, in 1790.
Lobby. The lobby consists of certain anterooms to the chamber where the House sits. Colony agents were allowed in the lobby, but not on the floor of the House.
Squabbling colony agents. As the colonies had no representation in Parliament they employed " colony agents " who resided in London, and whose duty it was to watch over the interests of the colonies for which they were agents. They were practically lobbyists in the House of Commons. Read in Franklin's Autobiography the account of his experiences as agent for Pennsylvania, Maryland, Massachusetts, and Georgia. Burke himself had been colony agent for New York.
A study of Lord North's resolution for Conciliating the Differences with America will show that the enactment of this resolution would have resulted in a squabble among the colony agents for privileges, and that it would have resulted in intercolonial enmities; so Burke was justified in his insinuation that Lord North's purpose was " to divide and govern."
Interposition of your mace. The mace is the emblem of authority of the sergeant-at-arms. In case of disorder in the House the sergeant-at-arms takes the mace from the table in front of the Speakrr and carries it to the scene of disorder, at which the disputants are supposed to subside.
Auction of finance. Under Lord North's " project " the colonies, through their agents, would bid for exemption from taxation by Parliament, according to Burke's figure of speech, as people bid for articles at an auction. The colony contributing tin- most would senure the most privileges. In other words, they would have to buy from Parliament the rights already theirs by virtue of their being Englishmen.
Knock down the hammer: the granting of special privileges to a colony on account of its having offered the highest contribution under Lord North's conciliation bill; as an article, by the blow of the auctioneer's hammer on the table at an auction, is " knocked down " to the highest bidder.
Beyond all powers of algebra, etc. No power of mathematical calculation could enable a man to determine what would be a fair contribution on the part of the colony for a certain privilege, because of the widely different conditions in the different colonies.
T[ 11. Proposition and registry: proposition, the introduction of a bill; and registry, the placing of the bill upon the journal of the House after its passage.
Lord North's bill claimed conciliation for its purpose. Burke takes him at his word, and proceeds to show that the principle is correct, but that Lord North's method would not conciliate — it would only intensify the trouble. Notice the adroitness with which Burke finds the open spot in his enemy's armor. Students should notice throughout this speech that this is Burke's method; for instance, in the examples of concessions made in former years to Ireland, Wales, Chester, and Durham (T[^[ 79-88) he forces his point continually by showing that the same thing he asks has been done repeatedly with success in the past. The keynote of his method of argument is to take advantage of those concessions to which Parliament or the ministry had committed itself. *• Accepting the resolution. See note on " the project," Tf 10.
Menacing front of our address: a reference to an address presented to the king by Parliament, February 9, 1775, assuring the king that Parliament would consent to no relinquishment of his authority over the colonies.
Heavy hills of pains and penalties: such as the Boston Port Bill and the Grand Penal Bill.
Free grace and bounty: concessions such as had been granted to Ireland, Wales, Chester, and Durham (see Tf*[f 79-88), and such as Burke intended to propose for the colonies.
The pupil should take notice that this paragraph foretells the method of Burke's entire argument. He does not argue from his own standpoint or from a sense of'right, but, adjusting himself to a prejudiced majority, he takes Lord North's own proposition of conciliation (see note on " the project," T[ 10). This method of argument NOTES ON THE TEXT 14.3 consists in taking up an opponent's argument and turning it against him. The student who fails to observe this all through the speech does not read the speech.
1 12. It has declared...and has admitted: by the passage of Lord North's resolution proposing conciliation (see note on If 10). Another example of Burke's method of taking advantage of his adversary's statements.
Former mode of exerting the right of taxation: by the Stamp Act, and by other similar measures which were very obnoxious to the colonists.
Capital alteration: change of plan as suggested by the word " conciliation " in the resolution in note on J 10, Lord North's " project."
The method of argument mentioned in the note at the close of ^[ 11 is carried yet further in this paragraph. The student should notice the remarkable adroitness with which Burke, here and later in the speech, takes advantage of his opponents. This plan is not, however, a very safe method of argument, if one's purpose be to convince or persuade; for it is very likely to produce the opposite result and to offend an opponent rather than to convince or persuade him. A speaker in thus finding the holes in an opponent's armor is likely to touch the pride of his opponent, and instead of persuading him succeeds in driving him further away. The fact is that Burke's method of argument here was qualified to have any other effect than the conciliation of his opponents, as was shown by the vote on his resolutions, for which see The student who studies this speech for the purpose of acquiring skill in persuasion should not fail to note the fact that Burke's method is highly qualified to intensify the prejudices of his opponents; that while his argument was unanswerable, yet, because he stabbed the pride of his opponents to the heart, he utterly failed in persuading them. As the purpose of argument is not so much to argue as to change minds, it may be better to avoid this method. Burke was a better arguer than persuader (see resolution, T 140). Observe that the truth of this resolution is self-evident, and that no man could have voted "nay" on this resolution from any other motive than that of party policy or of pure contrariness, which Burke's speech was well qualified to incite.
T[ 13. The principle. What is this principle?
Admitted principle. How and where admitted!
Peace with honor: peace without the exercise of tyranny.
Here the student will find a clear statement of Burke's determination to turn Lord North's weapon against him.
Tf 14. The object: America and her value to Great Britain commercially.
Abstract ideas of right. What does he mean by this?
Observe Burke's methodical and logical division of his brief proper. He subdivides the question of conciliation into two parts, takes them up in order, and exhausts the argument upon each in its turn. The power to do this by the student is the true purpose of the study of this speech, and will be worth more to him in after years than any mere knowledge that he may acquire of the speech.
Tf 15. Object. See note on " the object," Tf 14.
Two millions. Burke's estimate of the population of the colonies has since been shown to be very nearly correct.
Study the last half of this paragraph carefully, in order to find out how Burke enforces his point formerly made — " that no temporary expedient will do"; that Parliament must "attend to the whole of it together "; and " review the subject with an unusual degree of care and calmness " (Tf 1).
^f 16. A blunter discernment. Study this. Is this a covert slur, or does Burke allude to the king?
Occasional system: deciding a question temporarily, instead of basing the decision upon permanent principles.
In the Speech on American Taxation he says: " Sir, it is not a pleasant consideration; but nothing in the world can read so awful and instructive a lesson as the conduct of ministry in this business, upon the mischief of not having large and liberal ideas in the management of great affairs. Never have, the servants of the state looked at the whole of your complicated interests in one connected view. They have taken things by bits and scraps, some at one time and one pretense, and some at another, just as they pressed, without any sort of regard to their relations or dependencies. They never had any kind of system, right or wrong; but only invented occasionally some miserable tale for the day, in order meanly to sneak out of difficulties, into which they had proudly strutted. And they were put to all these shifts and devices, full of meanness and full of mischief, in order to pilfer piecemeal a repeal of an act which they had not the generous courage, when they found and felt their error, honorably and fairly to disclaim."
NOTES ON THE TEXT 14.5 Minima: little things; paltry things; things not worthy of deep consideration; a reference to the legal maxim de minimis non curat lex — the law takes no account of trifles. "It is an awful subject, or there is none so on this side of the grave."
With impunity. Observe the fulfillment of this prophecy. This statement was made on the 22d of March, 1775; the ministry did not think concerted armed resistance in the colonies within the limits of possibilities. The battle of Lexington occurred on the f 17. In this paragraph Burke shows especial skill in suiting his argument to his audience. In the Speech on American Taxation he plead for the rights of the Americans; now he appeals to the English commercial instinct, their greed, their belief that the colonies existed for the benefit of the mother country, and tries to show Parliament that it is for the commercial interests of England that they should conciliate and be content with some profit, rather than suffer the loss of both capital and profit by driving the colonists to a possibly successful rebellion. (The commercial idea is simply introduced here; it is carried out further on in the speech.)