[716] Thus we see how erroneous those theories are which, like the geographical materialism of Ratzel (see especially his _Politische Geographie_), seek to derive all social life from its material foundation (either economic or territorial). They commit an error precisely similar to the one committed by Maudsley in individual psychology. Just as this latter reduced all the psychical life of the individual to a mere epiphenomenon of his physiological basis, they seek to reduce the whole psychical life of the group to its physical basis. But they forget that ideas are realities and forces, and that collective representations are forces even more powerful and active than individual representations. On this point, see our _Représentations individuelles et représentations collectives_, in the _Revue de Métaphysique et de Morale_, May, 1898.
[717] See above, pp. 188 and 194.
[718] Even the _excreta_ have a religious character. See Preuss, _Der Ursprung der Religion und Kunst_, especially ch. ii, entitled _Der Zauber der Defäkation_ (_Globus_, LXXXVI, pp. 325 ff.).
[719] This principle has passed from religion into magic: it is the _totem ex parte_ of the alchemists.
[720] On this point see _Règles de la méthode sociologique_, pp. 5 ff.
[721] Procopius of Gaza, _Commentarii in Isaiam_, 496.
[722] See Thévenot, _Voyage au Levant_, Paris, 1689, p. 638. The fact was still round in 1862.
[727] For the authority of the chiefs, see Spencer and Gillen, _Nat. Tr._, p. 10; _Nor. Tr._, p. 25; Howitt, _Nat. Tr._, pp. 295 ff.
[728] At least in Australia. In America, the population is more generally sedentary; but the American clan represents a relatively advanced form of organization.
[729] To make sure of this, it is sufficient to look at the chart arranged by Thomas, _Kinship and Marriage in Australia_, p. 40. To appreciate this chart properly, it should be remembered that the author has extended, for a reason unknown to us, the system of totemic filiation in the paternal line clear to the western coast of Australia, though we have almost no information about the tribes of this region, which is, moreover, largely a desert.
[730] The stars are often regarded, even by the Australians, as the land of souls and mythical personages, as will be established in the next chapter: that means that they pass as being a very different world from that of the living.
[732] Of course it is to be understood that, as we have already pointed out (see above, p. 155), this choice was not made without a more or less formal agreement between the groups that each should take a different emblem from its neighbours.
[733] The mental state studied in this paragraph is identical to the one called by Lévy-Bruhl the law of participation (_Les fonctions mentales dans les sociétés inférieures_, pp. 76 ff.). The following pages were written when this work appeared and we publish them without change; we confine ourselves to adding certain explanations showing in what we differ from M. Lévy-Bruhl in our understanding of the facts.
[735] Another cause has contributed much to this fusion; this is the extreme contagiousness of religious forces. They seize upon every object within their reach, whatever it may be. Thus a single religious force may animate the most diverse things which, by that very fact, become closely connected and classified within a single group. We shall return again to this contagiousness, when we shall show that it comes from the social origins of the idea of sacredness (Bk. III, ch. i, _in fine_).
[739] This is the case with the Gnanji; see _Nor. Tr._, pp. 170, 546; cf. a similar case in Brough Smyth, II, p. 269.
[741] There certainly was a time when the Gnanji women had souls, for a large number of women's souls still exist to-day. However, they never reincarnate themselves; since in this tribe the soul animating a new-born child is an old reincarnated soul, it follows from the fact that women's souls do not reincarnate themselves, that women cannot have a soul. Moreover, it is possible to explain whence this absence of reincarnation comes. Filiation among the Gnanji, after having been uterine, is now in the paternal line: a mother no longer transmits her totem to her child. So the woman no longer has any descendants to perpetuate her; she is the _finis familiæ suæ_. To explain this situation, there are only two possible hypotheses; either women have no souls, or else they are destroyed after death. The Gnanji have adopted the former of these two explanations; certain peoples of Queensland have preferred the latter (see Roth, _Superstition, Magic and Medicine_, in _N. Queensland Ethnog._, No. 5, § 68).
[742] "The children below four or five years of age have neither soul nor future life," says Dawson. But the fact he thus relates is merely the absence of funeral rites for young children. We shall see the real meaning of this below.
[745] This is the expression used by Dawson, p. 50.
[746] Strehlow, I, p. 15, n. 1; Schulze, _loc. cit._, p. 246; this is the theme of the myth of the vampire.
[747] Strehlow, I, p. 15; Schulze, p. 244; Dawson, p. 51. It is true that it is sometimes said that souls have nothing corporeal; according to certain testimony collected by Eylmann (p. 188), they are _ohne Fleisch und Blut_. But these radical negations leave us sceptical. The fact that offerings are not made to the souls of the dead in no way implies, as Roth thinks (_Superstition, Magic_, etc., § 65), that they do not eat.
[751] Schürmann, _Aborig. Tr. of Port Lincoln_, in Woods, p. 235.
[755] Frazer, _On Certain Burial Customs, as Illustrative of the Primitive Theory of the Soul_, in _J.A.I._, XV, p. 66.
[756] This is the case with the Kaitish and the Unmatjera; see _Nor. Tr._, p. 506; and _Nat. Tr._, p. 512.
[758] Roth, _ibid._, § 68; this says that when someone faints after a loss of blood, it is because the soul is gone. Cf. Parker, _The Euahlayi_, p. 38.
[760] Strehlow, I, pp. 12, 14. In these passages he speaks of evil spirits which kill little children and eat their souls, livers and fat, or else their souls, livers and kidneys. The fact that the soul is thus put on the same plane as the different viscera and tissues and is made a food like them shows the close connection it has with them. Cf. Schulze, p. 245.
[761] For example, among the peoples on the Pennefather River (Roth, _ibid._, § 68), there is a name for the soul residing in the heart (_Ngai_), another for the one in the placenta (_Cho-i_), and a third for the one which is confounded with the breath (_Wanji_). Among the Euahlayi, there are three or even four souls (Parker, _The Euahlayi_, p. 35).
[762] See the description of the _Urpmilchima_ rite among the Arunta (_Nat. Tr._, pp. 503 ff.).
[763] Spencer and Gillen, _Nat. Tr._, pp. 497 and 508.
[766] Meyer, _The Encounter Bay Tribe_, in Woods, p. 198.
[769] Among the Arunta and Loritja, for example (Strehlow, I, p. 15, n. 2; II, p. 77). During life, the soul is called _gumna_, and _ltana_ after death. The _ltana_ of Strehlow is identical with the _ulthana_ of Spencer and Gillen (_Nat. Tr._, pp. 514 ff.). The same is true of the tribes on the Bloomfield River (Roth, _Superstition_, etc., §66).
[773] Mathews, _Ethnol. Notes on the Aboriginal Tribes of N.S. Wales and Victoria_, in _Journal and Proc. of the Roy. Soc. of N.S. Wales_, XXXVIII, p. 287.
[774] Strehlow, I, pp. 15 ff. Thus, according to Strehlow, the dead live in an island in the Arunta theory, but according to Spencer and Gillen, in a subterranean place. It is probable that the two myths coexist and are not the only ones. We shall see that even a third has been found. On this conception of an island of the dead, see Howitt, _Nat. Tr._, p. 498; Schürmann, _Aborig. Tr. of Port Lincoln_, in Woods, p. 235; Eylmann, p. 189.
[777] In these same tribes evident traces of a more ancient myth will be found, according to which the dead live in a subterranean place (Dawson, _ibid._).
[781] These are the spirits of the ancestors of a special clan, the clan of a certain poisonous gland (_Giftdrüsenmänner_).
[782] Sometimes the work of the missionaries is evident. Dawson speaks of a real hell opposed to paradise; but he too tends to regard this as a European importation.
[783] Dorsey, _XIth Rep._, pp. 419-420, 422, 485. Cf. Marillier, _La survivance de l'âme et l'idée de justice chez les peuples non-civilisés_, _Rapport de l'Ecole des Hautes Études_, 1893.
[784] They may be doubled temporarily, as we shall see in the next chapter: but these duplications add nothing to the number of the souls capable of reincarnation.
[787] On this set of conceptions, see _Nat. Tr._, pp. 119, 123-127, 387 ff.; _Nor. Tr._, pp. 145-174. Among the Gnanji, it is not necessarily near the oknanikilla that the conception takes place. But they believe that each couple is accompanied in its wanderings over the continent by a swarm of souls of the husband's totem. When the time comes, one of these souls enters the body of the wife and fertilizes it, wherever she may be (_Nor. Tr._, p. 169).
[791] This is the case among the Warramunga and the related tribes, the Walpari, Wulmala, Worgaia, Tjingilli (_Nor. Tr._, p. 161), and also the Umbaia and the Gnanji (_ibid._, p. 170).
[792] Strehlow, I, pp. 15-16. For the Loritja, see Strehlow, p. 7.
[793] Strehlow even goes so far as to say that sexual relations are not even thought to be a necessary condition or sort of preparation for conception (II, p. 52, n. 7). It is true that he adds a few lines below that the old men know perfectly well the connection which unites sexual intercourse and generation, and that as far as animals are concerned, the children themselves know it. This lessens the value of his first assertion a little.
[794] In general, we employ the terminology of Spencer and Gillen rather than that of Strehlow because it is now consecrated by long usage.
[796] I, p. 5. _Ngarra_ means eternal, according to Strehlow. Among the Loritja, only rocks fulfil this function.
[797] Strehlow translates it by _Kinderkeime_ (children-germs). It is not true that Spencer and Gillen have ignored the myth of the _ratapa_ and the customs connected with it. They explicitly mention it in _Nat. Tr._, pp. 336 ff. and 552. They noticed, at different points of the Arunta territory, the existence of rocks called _Erathipa_ from which the _spirit children_, or the children's souls, disengage themselves, to enter the bodies of women and fertilize them. According to Spencer and Gillen, _Erathipa_ means child, though, as they add, it is rarely used in this sense in ordinary conversation (_ibid._, p. 338).
[798] The Arunta are divided into four or eight matrimonial classes. The class of a child is determined by that of his father; inversely, that of the latter may be deduced from the former (see Spencer and Gillen, _Nat. Tr._, pp. 70 ff.; Strehlow, I, pp. 6 ff.). It remains to be seen how the ratapa has a matrimonial class; we shall return to this point again.
[799] Strehlow, II, p. 52. It happens sometimes, though rarely, that disputes arise over the nature of the child's totem. Strehlow cites such a case (II, p. 53).
[800] This is the same word as the _namatwinna_ found in Spencer and Gillen (_Nat. Tr._, p. 541).
[803] Mathews attributes a similar theory of conception to the Tjingilli (_alias_ Chingalee) (_Proc. Roy. Geogr. Trans. and Soc. Queensland_, XXII (1907), pp. 75-76).
[804] It sometimes happens that the ancestor who is believed to have thrown the namatuna shows himself to the woman in the form of an animal or a man; this is one more proof of the affinity of the ancestral soul for a material form.
[806] This results from the fact that the ratapa can incarnate itself only in the body of a woman belonging to the same matrimonial class as the mother of the mythical ancestor. So we cannot understand how Strehlow could say (I, p. 42, _Anmerkung_) that, except in one case, the myths do not attribute determined matrimonial classes to the Alcheringa ancestors. His own theory of conception proves the contrary (cf. II, pp. 53 ff.).
[808] The difference between the two versions becomes still smaller and is reduced to almost nothing, if we observe that, when Spencer and Gillen tell us that the ancestral soul is incarnated in the woman, the expressions they use are not to be taken literally. It is not the whole soul which comes to fertilize the mother, but only an emanation from this soul. In fact, according to their own statement, a soul equal or even superior in power to the one that is incarnated continues to live in the nanja tree or rock (see _Nat. Tr._, p. 514); we shall have occasion to come back to this point again (cf. below, p. 275).
[809] II, pp. 76, 81. According to Spencer and Gillen, the churinga is not the soul of the ancestor, but the object in which his soul resides. At bottom, these two mythological interpretations are identical, and it is easy to see how one has been able to pass into the other: the body is the place where the soul resides.
[811] Strehlow, I, pp. 53 f. In these stories, the ancestor begins by introducing himself into the body of the woman and causing there the troubles characteristic of pregnancy. Then he goes out, and only then does he leave his namatuna.
[813] _Ibid._, p. 81. This is the word for word translation of the terms employed, as Strehlow gives them: _Dies du Körper bist; dies du der nämliche._ In the myth, a civilizing hero, Mangarkunjerkunja, says as he presents to each man the churinga of his ancestor: "You are born of this churinga" (_ibid._, p. 76).
[816] At bottom, the only real difference between Strehlow and Spencer and Gillen is the following one. For these latter, the soul of the individual, after death, returns to the nanja tree, where it is again confounded with the ancestor's soul (_Nat. Tr._, p. 513); for Strehlow, it goes to the isle of the dead, where it is finally annihilated. In neither myth does it survive individually. We are not going to seek the cause of this divergence. It is possible that there has been an error of observation on the part of Spencer and Gillen, who do not speak of the isle of the dead. It is also possible that the myth is not the same among the eastern Arunta, whom Spencer and Gillen observed particularly, as in the other parts of the tribe.
[825] In other words, the totemic species is made up of the group of ancestors and the mythological species much more than of the regular animal or vegetable species.
[829] Strehlow, II, pp. 57, 60, 61. Strehlow calls the list of totems the list of ratapa.
[831] _The Manners and Customs of the Dieyerie Tribe of Australian Aborigines_, in Curr, II, p. 47.
[834] Taplin, _Folk-Lore, Customs, Manners, etc., of the South Australian Aborig._, p. 88.
[835] The clan of each ancestor has its special camp underground; this camp is the miyur.
[836] Mathews, in _Jour. of Roy. Soc. of N.S. Wales_, XXXVIII, p. 293. He points out the same belief among other tribes of Victoria (_ibid._, p. 197).
[839] Roth, _Superstition_, etc., § 68; cf. § 69a, gives a similar case from among the natives on the Proserpine River. To simplify the description, we have left aside the complications due to differences of sex. The souls of daughters are made out of the choi of their mother, though these share with their brothers the ngai of their father. This peculiarity, coming perhaps from two systems of filiation which have been in use successively, has nothing to do with the principle of the perpetuity of the soul.
[842] Swanton, _Contributions to the Ethnology of the Haida_, pp. 117 ff.
[843] Boas, _Sixth Rep. of the Comm. on the N.W. Tribes of Canada_, p. 59.
[845] See above, pp. 134 ff.
[848] Strehlow (I, p. 15, n. 2) and Schulze (_loc. cit._, p. 246) speak of the soul, as Howitt here speaks of the totem, as leaving the body to go to eat another soul. Likewise, as we have seen above, the altjira or maternal totem shows itself in dreams, just as a soul or spirit does.
[850] _Globus_, Vol. CXI, p. 289. In spite of the objections of Leonhardi, Strehlow maintains his affirmations on this point (see Strehlow, III, p. xi). Leonhardi finds a contradiction between this assertion and the theory according to which the ratapa emanate from trees, rocks or churinga. But the totemic animal incarnates the totem just as much as the nanja-tree or rock does, so they may fulfil the same function. The two things are mythological equivalents.
[851] _Notes on the West Coastal Tribes of the Northern Territory of S. Australia_, in _Trans. of the Roy. Soc. of S. Aust._, XXXI (1907), p. 4. Cf. _Man_, 1909, No. 86.
[852] Among the Wakelbura, where, according to Curr and Howitt, each matrimonial class has its own totems, the animal shows the class (see Curr, III, p. 28); among the Buandik, it reveals the clan (Mrs. James S. Smith, _The Buandik Tribes of S. Australian Aborigines_, p, 128). Cf. Howitt, _On Some Australian Beliefs_, in _J.A.I._, XIII, p. 191; XIV, p. 362; Thomas, _An American View of Totemism_, in _Man_, 1902, No. 85; Mathews, _Journ. of the Roy. Soc. of N.S. Wales_, XXXVIII, pp. 347-348; Brough Smyth, I, p. 110; _Nor. Tr._, p. 513.
[853] Roth, _Superstition_, etc., § 83. This is probably a form of sexual totemism.
[854] Prinz zu Wied, _Reise in das innere Nord-Amerika_, II, p. 190.
[859] For example, among the Batta of Sumatra (see _Golden Bough_^2, III, p. 420), in Melanesia (Codrington, _The Melanesians_, p. 178), in the Malay Archipelago (Tylor, _Remarks on Totemism_, in _J.A.I._, New Series, I, p. 147). It is to be remarked that the cases where the soul clearly presents itself after death in an animal form all come from the societies where totemism is more or less perverted. This is because the idea of the soul is necessarily ambiguous wherever the totemic beliefs are relatively pure, for totemism implies that it participate in the two kingdoms at the same time. So it cannot become either one or the other exclusively, but takes one aspect or the other, according to the circumstances. As totemism develops, this ambiguity becomes less necessary, while at the same time, spirits more actively demand attention. Then the marked affinities of the soul for the animal kingdom are manifested, especially after it is freed from the human body.
[860] See above, p. 170. On the generality of the doctrine of metempsychosis, see Tylor, II, pp. 8 ff.
[861] Even if we believe that religious and moral representations constitute the essential elements of the idea of the soul, still we do not mean to say that they are the only ones. Around this central nucleus are grouped other states of consciousness having this same character, though to a slighter degree. This is the case with all the superior forms of the intellectual life, owing to the special price and dignity attributed to them by society. When we devote our lives to science or art, we feel that we are moving in a circle of things that are above bodily sensations, as we shall have occasion to show more precisely in our conclusion. This is why the highest functions of the intelligence have always been considered specific manifestations of the soul. But they would probably not have been enough to establish the idea of it.
[863] This is the thesis of Preuss in his articles in the _Globus_ which we have cited several times. It seems that M. Lévy-Bruhl also tends towards this conception (see his _Fonctions mentales_, etc., pp. 92-93).
[864] On this point, see our _Suicide_, pp. 233 ff.
[865] It may be objected perhaps that unity is the characteristic of the personality, while the soul has always been conceived as multiple, and as capable of dividing and subdividing itself almost to infinity. But we know to-day that the unity of the person is also made up of parts and that it, too, is capable of dividing and decomposing. Yet the notion of personality does not vanish because of the fact that we no longer think of it as a metaphysical and indivisible atom. It is the same with the popular conceptions of personality which find their expression in the idea of the soul. These show that men have always felt that the human personality does not have that absolute unity attributed to it by certain metaphysicians.
[866] For all this, we do not deny the importance of the individual factor: this is explained from our point of view just as easily as its contrary. If the essential element of the personality is the social part of us, on the other hand there can be no social life unless distinct individuals are associated, and this is richer the more numerous and different from each other they are. So the individual factor is a condition of the impersonal factor. And the contrary is no less true, for society itself is an important source of individual differences (see our _Division du travail social_, 3rd. ed., pp. 267 ff.).
[872] On this question, see Negrioli, _Dei Genii presso i Romani_; the articles _Daimon_ and _Genius_ in the _Dict. of Antiq._; Preller, _Romische Mythologie_, II, pp. 195 ff.
[879] See the case of a Mura-mura who is considered the spirit of certain hot springs, in Howitt, _Nat. Tr._, p. 482.
[880] _Nor. Tr._, pp. 313 f.; Mathews, _Journ. of the Roy. Soc. of N.S. Wales_, XXXVIII, p. 351. Among the Dieri there is also a Mura-mura whose function is to produce rain (Howitt, _Nat. Tr._, pp. 798 f.).
[882] Strehlow, I, pp. 2 ff.
[887] It is true that some nanja-trees and rocks are not situated around the ertnatulunga; they are scattered over different parts of the tribal territory. It is said that these are places where an isolated ancestor disappeared into the ground, lost a member, let some blood flow, or lost a churinga which was transformed into a tree or rock. But these totemic sites have only a secondary importance; Strehlow calls them _kleinere Totemplätze_ (I, pp. 4-5). So it may be that they have taken this character only by analogy with the principal totemic centres. The trees and rocks which, for some reason or other, remind one of those found in the neighbourhood of an ertnatulunga, inspire analogous sentiments, so the myth which was formed in regard to the latter was extended to the former.
[889] Parker, _The Euahlayi_, p. 21. The tree serving for this use is generally one of those figuring among the sub-totems of the individual. As a reason for this choice, they say that as it is of the same family as the individual, it should be better disposed to giving him aid (_ibid._, p. 29).
[895] These are the very words used by Codrington (p. 251).
[896] This close connection between the soul, the guardian genius and the moral conscience of the individual is especially apparent among certain peoples of Indonesia. "One of the seven souls of the Tobabatak is buried with the placenta; though preferring to live in this place, it may leave it to warn the individual or to manifest its approbation when he does well. So in one sense, it plays the rôle of a moral conscience. However, its communications are not confined to the domain of moral facts. It is called the younger brother of the soul, as the placenta is called the younger brother of the child...In war, it inspires the man with courage to march against the enemy" (Warneck, _Der bataksche Ahnen und Geistercult_, in _Allg. Missionszeitschrift_, Berlin, 1904. p. 10. Cf. Kruijt, _Het Animisme in den indischen Archipel_, p. 25).
[897] It still remains to be investigated how it comes that after a certain moment in evolution, this duplication of the soul was made in the form of an individual totem rather than of a protecting ancestor. Perhaps this question has an ethnological rather than a sociological interest. However, the manner in which this substitution was probably effected may be represented as follows.
The individual totem commenced by playing a merely complimentary rôle. Those individuals who wished to acquire powers superior to those possessed by everybody, did not and could not content themselves with the mere protection of the ancestor; so they began to look for another assistant of the same sort. Thus it comes about that among the Euahlayi, the magicians are the only ones who have or who can procure individual totems. As each one has a collective totem in addition, he finds himself having many souls. But there is nothing surprising in this plurality of souls: it is the condition of a superior power.
But when collective totemism once begins to lose ground, and when the conception of the protecting ancestor consequently begins to grow dim in the mind, another method must be found for representing the double nature of the soul, which is still felt. The resulting idea was that, outside of the individual soul, there was another, charged with watching over the first one. Since this protecting power was no longer demonstrated by the very fact of birth, men found it natural to employ, for its discovery, means analogous to those used by magicians to enter into communion with the forces of whose aid they thus assured themselves.
[898] For example, see Strehlow, II, p. 82.
[899] Wyatt, _Adelaide and Encounter Bay Tribes_, in Woods, p. 168.
[902] Strehlow, I, pp. 11-14; Eylmann, pp. 182, 185; Spencer and Gillen, _Nor. Tr._, p. 211; Schürmann, _The Aborig. Tr. of Port Lincoln_, in Woods, p. 239.
[905] _Nat. Tr._, pp. 390-391. Strehlow calls these evil spirits _Erintja_; but this word is evidently equivalent to Oruncha. Yet there is a difference in the ways the two are presented to us. According to Spencer and Gillen, the Oruncha are malicious rather than evil; they even say (p. 328) that the Arunta know no necessarily evil spirits. On the contrary, the regular business of Strehlow's Erintja is to do evil. Judging from certain myths given by Spencer and Gillen (_Nat. Tr._, p. 390), they seem to have touched up the figures of the Oruncha a little: these were originally ogres (_ibid._, p. 331).
[910] Strehlow, I, p. 14. When there are twins, the first one is believed to have been conceived in this manner.
[913] As the magician can either cause or cure sickness, we sometimes find, besides these magical spirits whose function is to do evil, others who forestall or neutralize the evil influence of the former. Cases of this sort will be found in _Nor. Tr._, pp. 501-502. The fact that the latter are magic just as much as the former is well shown by the fact that the two have the same name, among the Arunta. So they are different aspects of a single magic power.
[914] Strehlow, I, p. 9. Putiaputia is not the only personage of this sort of whom the Arunta myths speak: certain portions of the tribe give a different name to the hero to whom the same invention is ascribed. We must not forget that the extent of the territory occupied by the Arunta prevents their mythology from being completely homogeneous.
[920] Strehlow, I, pp. 6-8. The work of Mangarkunjerkunja must be taken up again later among other heroes; for, according to a belief that is not confined to the Arunta, a time came when men forgot the teaching of their first initiators and became corrupt.
[921] This is the case, for example, of Atnatu (Spencer and Gillen, _Nor. Tr._, p. 153) and the Witurna (_Nor. Tr._, p. 498), If Tendun did not establish these rites, it is he who is charged with the direction of their celebration (Howitt, _Nat. Tr._, p. 670).
[926] It is true that Spencer and Gillen maintain that these mythical beings play no moral rôle (_Nor. Tr._, p. 493); but this is because they give too narrow a meaning to the word. Religious duties are duties: so the fact of looking after the manner in which these are observed concerns morals, especially because all morals have a religious character at this period.
[927] The fact was observed as early as 1845 by Eyre, _Journals_, etc., II, p. 362, and, before Eyre, by Henderson, _Observations on the Colonies of N.S. Wales and Van Diemen's Land_, p. 147.
[929] Among the Kulin, Wotjobaluk and Woëworung (Victoria).
[930] Among the Yuin, Ngarrigo and Wolgal (New South Wales).
[931] Among the Kamilaroi and Euahlayi (northern part of New South Wales); and more to the centre, in the same province, among the Wonghibon and the Wiradjuri.
[932] Among the Wiimbaio and the tribes on the lower Murray (Ridley, _Kamilaroi_, p. 137; Brough Smyth, I, pp. 423, n., 431).
[933] Among the tribes on the Herbert River (Howitt, _Nat. Tr._, p. 498).
[934] Among the Kurnai.
[936] It is undoubtedly to this supreme Mura-mura that Gason makes allusion in the passage already cited (Curr, II, p. 55).