XI. 1 Hence in an alliance with those of a false religion, there is no inherent or universal pravity: the case is to be judged by the circumstances. But care is to be had that too much mixture with them do not taint the weak. For which purpose, separate habitation is good, like that of the Israelites in Egypt. So Anaxandrides. And to this pertain what we have said of Jews and Christians serving as Quo pertinent et ea quz alibi attulimus de religione Judzorum et Christianorum in commilitio cum paganis.
2 Sed et si ex societate tali profanz:e opes magnum sint habiture incrementum, abstinendum erit extra summam necessitatem: In qua locum habet, quod in simili re dixit Thucydides: ἀνεπίῴθονον δὲ, ὅσοι ὥσπερ καὶ ἡμεῖς ὑπὸ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ἐπιβουλευόμεθα, μὴ “Ἕλληνας μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ βαρβάρους, προσλαβόντας διασωθῆναι — His qui insidiis impetuntur, ut nos ab. Atheniensibus, invidia fieri non debet si salutem quaerunt non Gracorum modo sed et barbarorum «uciliis. Non enim jus quodvis sufficit ad id committendum, quod religioni, si non directe, indirecte tamen nociturum putetur. Qusrendum enim primo loco est regnum coeleste, id est, Evangelii propagatio.
3 Optandum esset, ut multi hodie principes ac populi in animum admitterent liberam et piam vocem Fulconis Archiepiscopi quondam Remensis, Carolum Simplicem sie admonentis: Quis nom ewxpavescat vos *inimicorum Dei amicitiam velle, ac in cladem et ruinam nominis Christiani pagana arma et federa suscipere detestanda? — Nihil enim distat utrum quis se paganis societ, an abnegato Deo idola colat. Exstat apud Arrianum dictum Alexandri: ἀδικεῖν μεγάλα τοὺς στρατενομένους ἐναντία τῇ “ Ελλαδι παρὰ τοῖς βαρβάformula disparasset. (Lib.ix.pag.158. ^ rebus Isaaci Angeli Lib. rr. cap.3. Prz-Edit. Wech. 15106.) dicatur pietas Emanuelis ducis Sabau- * Inimicorum Dei amicitiam velle] ^ diz, qui Cyprum ope Turcz recuperare Exemplum in Mancafa apud Nicetam ^ cum posset, noluit, soldiers with heathens.
2 But if the strength of the profane is likely thus to be much increased, we must abstain from such alliances, except in case of necessity: such as Thucydides speaks of. [See.] For it is not mere right which justifies men in doing what may indirectly harm religion. We must seek first the kingdom of God, that is, the propagation of the Gospel.
3 It were to be wished that many prinees and peoples would lay to heart that liberal and pious saying of Fulk, Archbishop of Rheims, who thus admonished Charles the Simple: Who is not alarmed when yow seek the friendship of the enemies of. God; and. invite the co-operation and the arms of. pagans for the calamity and ruin of the Christian mame? It makes no difference whether any one joins himself" with pagans, or denies God and worships idols. "There is in Arrian a saying of Alex- [GRoT. r1.) i Sylv. in Verb. Bell. p. 1. n. 9. concl. 3.
Matth. vi. 33.
Frod. 1. iv. Hist. Rem.
1 Cor. xii. 18, 146 DE FEDERIBUS AC SPONSIONIDUS. [118. 11.
pow, παρὰ τὰ δόγματα τὰ τῶν ᾿λλήνων' graviter eos delinquere qui adversum Grecos Barbaris militarent, contrà Grecorum jura.
XII. Illud hie addam, eum omnes Christiani unius corporis membra sint, quz jubentur alia aliorum dolores ae mala persentiscere, sicut id ad singulos pertinet, ita et ad populos qua populi sunt, et ad reges qua reges pertinere. Neque enim pro se quisque tantum, sed et pro mandata sibi potestate servire Christo debet. Hoc autem prestare reges et populi non possunt, grassante armis hoste impio, 'nisi alii aliis auxilio sint: quod commode fieri nequit, nisi fedus eo nomine ineatur: quod fedus jam olim initum fuit, et princeps ejus creatus consensu communi Romanus Imperator. Debent ergo Christiani omnes ad causam hane communem pro virium modo viros aut pecunias conferre: quod quominus faciant non video quomodo possint excusari, nisl 51 qui bello inevitabili, aut non dissimili malo domi distinentur.
XIII. 1 Solet szpe et illa incidere quzestio, si plures bellum gerant, utri potius opem ferre debeat qui utrique est federatus. Hic primum sciendum est, quod et supra diximus, ad t Nisi alii aliis auxilio sint] Ad hane rem vide Marianam libro xxx. cap. 23. Parutam libro 1v. Bizarum vir. et xrI.
υ Qui federatorum justam habet belli causam praferendus] Vide infra libro τι. c.xxv. $4. In fidelitate Feudali dicitur: Et si scivero velle te aliquem juste offendere, et inde generaliter vel specialiter uero requisitus, meum tibi, sicut potero, ander, that Those grievously offend who enter the service of Barbarians to fight against. Greeks and. G'recian rights.
XII. Add that all Christians are members of one body; are commanded to bear each other's sufferings and sorrows: and as this applies to individuals, so does it to peoples, as peoples, and to kings, as kings. Each must serve Christ according to the power given him. But this they cannot do, when the infidel is powerful, except they help each other: and this cannot well be done except a general league be made with that view. Such a league has been made, and the head of it created by common consent Roman Emperor*. Therefore all Christians ought to aid in this cause according to their power with men or money: nor do I see how they can be excused, except they be detained at home by an inevitable war or some similar evil.
XIII. 1 The question often arises, if several parties carry on * Frederic IIL., 4.5. 1461, says Gronovius; and refers to Boecleri. Disputatio de Passagiis.
Car. XV. DE FEDERIBUS AC SPONSIONIBUS. 147 injusta bella nullam esse obligationem. Quare "qui federatorum justam habet belli eausam przeferendus, si cum extraneo res sit. Etiam si cum alio federato: Sie oratione de Megalopoli ostendit Demosthenes, Messeniis sociis contra Lacedsmonios item socios opem ferri ab Atheniensibus debere, si ab his incipiat injuria. Sed id ita verum; nisi convenerit hoe quoque ne adversus eum auxilia mittere liceat. In pactione Hannibalis cum Macedonibus erat: /Jostiwm hostes erimus, exceptis regibus, civitatibus, et portubus quibuscum fedus nobis et amicitia est.
2 Quod si federati inter se committantur causis utrinque injustis, quod accidere potest, utraque parte abstinendum erit. Sie in Leuctriea Aristidis quinta dieitur, ei μὲν ἐπ᾽ ἄλλους ἐκάλουν, ῥαδίως ἄν. ἐπ᾽ ἀλλήλους δὲ καλούντων, οὐκ ἐθέλειν παρεῖναι" “8ὲ quidem in alios auxiliwn poscerent, facile esse negotium: sim sociorum alter in alterum, nolle se misceri.
9 Quod si federati in alios bellent justa quisque de causa, si utrique auxilia mitti possunt, puta in milite aut pecunia, mittenda erunt, ut fit cirea creditores personales. At si ipsius qui promisit przsentia requiritur, quz individua est, ratio postulat *ut prseferatur cum quo antiquius est fedus; quod prastabo auxilium. (Feud. 1x. 7.) quod prudentia postulabat. J. B.
$ Locus est Tom. 1r. pag. 220. 2 ἃ. x Ut preferatur cum quo antiquius Paul. Steph. sed ubi, si expendatur se- Ὴ ὠ est fedus] Vide de Feudis, Lib. 1v. cap. ries orationis, manifesto patebitagi non 951. [Secundum divisionem Cujacii: at de justitia aut injustitia belli; sed de eo — Lib. rr. tit. 28. in fin. Ed. Vulg.]
a war, to which of two in preference ought he to give assistance who is under agreement with both. This is first to be understood, as we have said above, that no one is bound to unjust wars. "Therefore that one of the allies who has a just cause is to be preferred, if the transaction is with a stranger: and also if it be with another of the allies. Thus Demosthenes, in the oration concerning Megalopolis, shews that the Athenians ought to assist the Messenians, who are their allies, against the Lacedremonians, who are also their allies, if the wrong be on the side of the latter. In the treaty of Hannibal with the Macedonians, it stood, W^e will be the enemies of jowr enemies, ezcept the kings, states and, ports with which we are in league and friendship.
2 If two allies quarrel, being both in the wrong, which may happen, we are to take part on neither side. So Aristides.
3 But if two allies make war on others for just cause, if we can send aid to both, soldiers or money for example, we are to do so; Polyb. vii. 2, Lib. ix. 25. Lir. vii. 21.
Sylv. in Verb.
Lib. vi. 10.
148 DE FEDERIBUS AC SPONSIONIBUS. [118.11.
'Acarnanes Spartanis dicunt apud Polybium: eodemque pertinet Consulis Romani responsum Campanis datum: amicitias ita institui par est, *ne qua vetustior amicitia ac societas violetur.
4 Sed addenda exceptio, nisi fedus posterius ultra promissionem aliquid habet, *quod quasi dominii translationem in se contineat, puta subjectionis aliquid. —^Nam et sic in venditione dicimus priorem przferri, nisi posterior dominium transtulerit. Sic Nepesinis apud Livium deditionis, quam societatis, fides sanctior. Distinguunt hzc alii subtilius; sed quse dixi, ut simpliciora, ita veriora arbitror.
XIV. Finito tempore fedus tacite renovatum intelligi non debet, nisi ex actibus qui nullam aliam interpretationem recipiunt: non enim facile presumitur nova obligatio.
XV. Si pars una fedus violaverit, poterit altera a federe discedere: nam capita federis singula conditionis vim babent. Exemplo sit illud apud Thucydidem: λύουσι τὰς σπονδὰς οὐχ οἱ & ἐρημίας ἄλλοις προσιόντες ἀλλ᾿ οἱ μὴ βοη- 7 Immo ZEtoli, adversus Acarnanes, ore Chlenez Legati loquentes. Inσυμμαχεῖν, οὗ κατὰ φίλων" amicis auzilia ferenda conira hostes, nom contra spice locum, quem distinctius in margine indicavi. J. B.
7 Ne qua vetustior amicitia ac socieias violetur] Χρὴ φίλοις κατ᾽ ἐχθρῶν amicos, dicit Ptolemzus Atheniensibus apud Áppianum in]legationum excerptis. [Sed. alio pertinet hic locus, ut patet statim; nimirum ad casum, de quo suas we are to pay several personal creditors. But if our individual presence, as having promised, be required, reason requires that he be preferred with whom the league is oldest: so the answer of the consul to the Campanians.
4 But an exception is to be added, if the later league contain, besides a promise, anything which contains a transfer of ownership, ora subjection to the other party. For thus in selling also, we say that the prior sale is valid, except the later sale transfer the ownership. So in Livy the Nepesini held their surrender more binding than their alliance. Others make more subtle distinctions, but I believe this, as most simple, to be also most true.
XIV. When the time is ended, the treaty ought not to be tacitly supposed renewed, except by acts which receive no other interpretation: fora new obligation is not lightly presumed.
XV. 1f one party violate the league, the other may withdraw from the agreement: for every article of the agreement has the force of ἃ condition. Take two examples from Thucydides. [See.] But this is only true if it be not otherwise agreed, as is sometimes CaAr. XV.] DE FEDERIBUS AC SPONSIONIBUS. 149 θοῦντες οἷς àv ξυνομόσωσι" Soluti federis culpam sustinent, non qui deserti ad alios se conferunt, sed. qui quam jurati promiserant opem, re non prostant. Alibi apud eundem: 0, (TL δ᾽ ἂν τούτων παραβαίνωσιν ἑκάτεροι καὶ ὁτιοῦν, τότε λελύσθαι τὰς σπονδάς" Sed si vel tantillum ex dictis pars alterutra transgrederetur, rupta fore pacta. | Sed hoc ita verum est, ni aliter convenerit: quod fieri interdum solet, ne ob quasvis offensas a federe discedere liceat.
XVI. 1 Sponsionum tot esse materie possunt, quot federum. Distant enim hsc personarum facientium potestate. Sed duo sunt quz de sponsionibus quzsri solent: 9$Primum si improbetur a rege aut civitate sponsio, in quid teneantur sponsores, ad id quod interest, an ad restituendam rem in eum statum, in quo erat ante sponsionem, an ad corpus dedendum. Prima sententia videtur juri civili Romano congruere: secunda zquitati, quam in Caudina controversia tribuni plebis L. Livius οὐ Q. Melius urgebant: tertia usu probata est, ut exemplis sponsionum duarum nobilium Caudinz pra, $13. n. 1. infine. Ceterum verba ^ Nam et sic in venditione] Edicto ipsa non reperio in Excerptis indicatis; ^ "'Pheodorici, c. 138.
et memoria heic videtur omnino fefellisse 8 Confer PurENponRriUM, De Jure Auctorem. J. B.] ANat. et Gent. Lib. 111. cap. ix. $12, 13 τ Quod quasi dominii translationem — J. B. in se contineat] Vide Radevicum r1. 7.
done; that a withdrawal from the league is not to be justified by every slight offense taken.
XVI. 1 Sponsions, that is, conventions made on personal responsibility (see c. 11r.) may be as various in their subject-matter as publie treaties. 'They differ in the power of those who make them. But there are two common questions concerning such conventions: First, if the convention be rejected by the king or the state, to what are the responsible parties bound? 'To give an equivalent; or to restore things into the state in which they were before the convention; or to give up their persons? The first course appears to be conformable to the Roman Civil Law; the second, to equity, as was urged by the Tribunes in the Caudine controversy; the third, to usage, as the conspieuous examples of the Caudine and the Numantian conventions shew *.
But the important point is, that the supreme authority is not bound to any one course. As Posthumius says: You (the people) lave made no. convention with the enemy; you have not. authorized any * Flor. 1. 16, and rr, 18. Gronov, Lib. iv. 23, Liv. ix. 9.
Ibid.
150 DE FEDERIBUS AC SPONSIONIBUS. [Lir. II.
et Numantine apparuit. Sed ilud ante omnia tenendum, eum qui summum imperium habet nullam in partem obligari. Bene enim Romanis Posthumius: ZZosti nihil spopondistis: civem neminem pro vobis spondere jussistis; nil ergo vobis nec nobiscum est, quibus mihil mandastis, nec cum Samnitibus, cum quibus nihil egistis. Bene idem: Z/njussw populi nego quicquam sanciri posse, quod populwm teneat: et hoc non minus recte: si quid est, im quod obligari populus possit, in omnia, potest.
2 Ergo nec ad id quod interest, nec ad restitutionem populus tenebatur: eum quo si negotium sibi esse voluissent Samnites, retinere exercitum apud Furculas Caudinas debuerant, et Romam legatos mittere, qui cum Senatu ac populo de pace ac federe agerent, ut quanti ipsis esset exercitus incolumitas id ipsi sstimarent.?Tum demum si pactis statum non esset, potuissent dieere, quod et ab ipsis et a Numantinis ? Imprudenter quidem egerunt Samnites: sed non minus propterea violata fidei publiez rei fuerunt Romani. Ostendit id Celeberrimus JCtus Hallensis, CnnisTIANUS Tuonasius, Dissertatione singulari De JSponsione Romanorum Caudina, quz sexta est inter Lipsienses. Plura diximus in Notis nostris Gallicis.
Numantini, si sponsio non probaretur, exercitum sibi dedendum censebant, ea sponsione liberatum. [Hoc habere videtur ex Orosio, Hist. v. 5. Ceterum idem modo laudatus Clar. Thomasius de hae quoque Sponsione Romanorum Numantina Dissertationem scripsit, numero X1v.in eodem volumine. J. B.]
J. B. € Fide sponsorum] ΤΊ erant consules b Milites omnes, fuisse obligatos| Sic ἄπο, quzxstores duo, przefecti 1v. tribuni citizen to make a, convention for yow: sow have nothing to do with us, to whom. yow gave no comunission, nor with the Samnites, with whom yow have had no transaction. He adds well: 7 deny that without the permission of the people, amy engagement cam be made which binds the people: and, also well: Jf the people cam be bound to anything [by the acts of others] it may be bound to all things.
2 Therefore the People was not bound either to compensation or to restitution. If the Samnites wished to deal with the People, they ought.to have kept the army at the Caudine Forks, and to have sent ambassadors to Rome, to treat with the Senate and People concerning peace, leaving them to estimate the safety of the army at what value they might. | And then they might have said, what Velleius reports that they and the Numantines said, that the violation of publie faith ought not to be deemed expiated by the blood of an individual.
3 With greater speciousness it might be said, that all the soldiers were bound by the treaty. And that would have been equitable, if dietum ait Velleius, publieze violationem fidei non debere unius lui sanguine.! 3 Majori specie dici potest Pmilites omnes fuisse obligatos. Et certe zquum id esset, si ipsorum jussu ae nomine contractum foret a sponsoribus, ut in pacto quod Hannibal fecit eum Macedonibus faetum videmus. Quod si *fide sponsorum et "sexcentorum, quos imperarunt, obsidum fuerunt contenti Samnites, habent quod sibi imputent. Rursum si sponsores prz» se tulerunt potestatem publico nomine contrahendi, ex damno per dolum dato ad restitutionem tenebantur. Si id non apparet, tenebantur ad id quod intererat ex vi negotii ratum haberi Et hoe casu non corpora tantum sed et bona sponsorum fuissent obligata Samnitibus, nisi penam vice ejus quod interest expressissent. Nam de obsidibus convenerat, ut capite luerent si pacto non staretur. De sponsoribus an eadem dicta sit poena in obscuro est. X Poenz autem stipulatio x11. narrante À ppiano (Excerpt. Legat. num. 3. pag. 442. Fulv. Ursin.) Hi omnes dediti ex Caudino sponsu: ex Numantino consul solus, ceteris parcitum, ob Tiberium Gracchum, ut in Graechorum vita narrat Plutarchus, φανεστάτους, ὅμηρα τῶνδε τῶν cvv- θηκῶν, ἕως ἅπας ὁ δῆμος ἐπιψηφίζῃ" equitum potissimos deligam, qui obsides sint, donec populus pacta firmet. | Satis esse obsides tenentis arbitrio relinqui censuere Lusitani in re simili. Mariana XXI. 12. Qui deditos accipiunt, poenam 3 Sercentorum, quos imperarunt, obsidum] Pontius filius apud Appianum: τῶν τε ἱππέων ἐπιλέξομαι τοὺς ἐπιremittere censentur, Polybius Excerpto CXXII, the treaty had been negociated in their name, and under their direction, by the acting parties, as was done in the treaty of Hannibal with the Macedonians. But if the Samnites were content with the engagement of the persons negociating, and of the 600 hostages whom they demanded, they had themselves to blame. On the other hand, if the negociators pretended that they had the power of making a convention in the name of the publie, they were bound to restitution, as having done damage by fraud. If that does not appear, they were bound to a reasonable compensation to the Samnites, according to the purport of the negociations. And in this case, not only the bodies, but also the goods of the negociators, were bound to the Samnites, except they had paid such a compensation as we have spoken of. For, with regard to the hostages, it was agreed that if the engagement did not stand, their lives were to be forfeited. ^ Whether the same penalty was agreed upon for the negociators, does not appear. But the stipulation of a penalty affects wbat is done, in this way: that if the thing to be done cannot be performed, there is nothing else in the Script. de Plut. Fab. Liv. viii 39.
Iàv. xxi. 19. Polyb. iii. 39, tali modo faeta efücit, ut si factum przstari nequeat, nihil aliud sit in obligatione: succedit enim certum loco incerti quod interest. Erat autem communis istorum temporum sententia, etiam vitam valide posse obligari.
4 Apud nos autem, qui aliter sentimus, existimo tali sponsione bona primum ad id quod interest, et si ea non sufficiant, corpus ad servitutem obligari. *Fabius olim Maximus cum paetum quoddam ejus cum hostibus faetum senatus improbasset, fundum suum ducentis millibus vendidit, et fidei satisfecit. Samnites vero fBrutulum Papium induciarum ruptorem simul cum bonis suis dedendum recte censuerunt.
XVII 1 Altera quzstio est, an sponsio obliget summam potestatem ex notitia et silentio. Hie distinguendum primum an pure facta sit sponsio, an sub conditione si rata haberetur a summa potestate. Nam hse conditio non impleta (debent autem conditiones diserte impleri) nullam facit sponsionem. Quod recte convenit in sponsionem Lautatii cum Penis: aecedebat quod ea se populus, quia suo injussu facta * Fabius olim Marimus] Diodorus — rius Maximus rv. c. viii. [Non Diodo-Siculus in excerptis Peirescianis, Vale- ὀ rus Siculus, sed Dion Cocceianus habet obligation [but the penalty: for the penalty is introduced as something certain into the place of an uncertain compensation. And at that time the common opinion was, that a man's life might be seriously given as a pledge.
4. But with us who think differently, I am of opinion that by such a convention, first, the party's goods are liable for compensation of the interest affected, and if they are not sufücient, that his body is forfeited to slavery. When Fabius Maximus had made an agreement with the enemy, which the Senate repudiated, he sold his landed property for 200,000 sesterces, and made good theloss. And the Samnites rightly conceived that Brutulus Papius, who broke a truce, should be given up along with his property.
XVII 1 Another question is, whether a convention made by a subordinate person, on his own responsibility, binds the supreme power, by knowledge and silence on their part. Here we must first distinguish whether the convention is made simply, or under condition of being ratified by the supreme power. For if so, this condition, not fulfilled, (for conditions must be expressly fulfilled.) nullifies the convention; which applies to the convention of Lutatius with the Carthaginians; to which was to be added, that the people, because that convention was made without its authority, denied that it was bound thereby: and therefore another treaty was made on a fresh footing CaAr. XV.] DE FEDERIBUS AC SPONSIONIBUS. 153 erat, teneri negaverat: itaque publico consilio aliud de uel fedus faetum erat.
2 Videndum deinde, an przter silentium res aliqua accesserit: nam sine re aut facto aliquo silentium non satis probabilem voluntatis conjecturam suppeditat, ut ex his, qu:e de dominii derelietione supra diximus, intelligi potest. Sed Si aetus aliqui accesserint, qui ad aliam causam probabiliter referri nequeant, tum recte intelligitur actus ratus esse habitus: modo probatum id quod cum Gaditanis ccenvenerat, notat Cicero pro Balbo.
3 Silentium adversus Carthaginienses urgebant Romani, de paetione cum Asdrubale faeta. | Sed cum illa pactio verbis concepta esset negantibus, ne Poeni amnem Iberum transirent, vix erat ut silentium solum ad inducendam ratihabitionem facti alieni valeret, quippe cum factum proprium nullum secutum esset, nisi aliquando Poenus Iberum transire volens prohibitus ἃ Romanis esset, eorumque dicto Peni paruissent: talis enim aetus vim habet actus positivi, nee manet intra id, de quo Auctor noster loquitur. f Brutulum Papium] Dion excerpto Vide pag. 597. Excerptorum illorum, legationum 1v, ab H. Valesio editorum. |J. B.]
by the publie authority. ki 2. We must next see whether, besides silence, any other cireumstance has been added. For silence, without some thing or act, does not supply a sufficiently probable conjecture of the will; as may be understood by what we have said above, of the dereliction of ownership. But if any act have been added which cannot be probably referred to another cause, then the act of convention is rightly understood to be accepted as valid. And so the convention with the Gaditani was proved valid, as Cicero notes.
3 The Romans urged silence against the Carthaginians in reference to the convention made with Asdrubal. But since that convention was conceived in negative expressions—that the Carthaginians should not pass the Ebro——it was scarcely a case in which silence alone could establish a ratification of the act of another: since no act of theirs had followed, except it might be that some Carthaginians, wishing to pass the Ebro, had been prevented by the Romans, and the Carthaginians had acquiesced: for such an act has the force of a positive act, and is not merely negative. But if the pact of Lutatius bad had more parts, and it appeared that the other parts, though dissenting from common rule, had been observed by the Romans, then there would be a sufficient proof of the confirmation of the convention.
et seqq.
ro et Liv. dict. loc.
fines nude abnutivos. Quod si Lutatii pactio plures habuisset partes, et ceteras partes ἃ jure communi abeuntes observatas a Romanis semper appareret, jam satis firma esset; conjectura probatz pactionis. | 4 HRestabat hie dicere aliquid de pactionibus, quas duces et milites non de eo quod summi est imperii, sed de re privata sua aut sibi permissa faciunt: sed de his agendi opportunior erit locus ubi ad ea qus in bello accidunt perventum erit.
4 It remained to treat of the conventions which generals and commanders of armies make, not concerning politieal matters, but their own proceedings and business: but we shall have a better opportunity of discussing this in treating of the rules of War.
— III.
XII.
XIV.
XV.
XVI.
CAPUT XVI.
DE INTERPRETATIONE.
Quomodo promissam obligent exterius.
Verba, si alice conjecturce absint, intelligenda, eo proprietate populari.
Verba, artis ex arte. Conjecturis usum, esse ec ambiguitate vocum, eo specie repugnantie, aut quia sponte se ingerunt: Ut ex materia: Ea effectu: Ec conjunctis: aut etiam, loco: Quo pertinet. conjectura, ex ratione movente, quce quando et quomodo locum habeat.
Distinctio significationum in lazxas et strictas, JDistinctio promissorum in J'avorabilia, odiosa, mixta, aut media.
Rejecta. cirea, actus populorum aut regwimn differentia contractuwmn bonc fidei, aut stricti juris.
Ew dictis distinctionibus significationum. et promissorum, regule formantur cirea, interpretationes.
An sociorum nomine futuri veniant, et quatenus: ubi de federe Romanorwm cum, Asdrubale, οἱ similibus controversiis. Quomodo interpretandum, ANe alter populus. alterius injussu bellum gerat.
De illis verbis, Libera Jore Carthaginem.
Ομ pacta, personalia habenda, quc realia, distincorigine, tionibus explicatur.
XVII. Fedus cwm.Rege initum ceaxtendi ad Regem regno pulsum: XVIII. Non ad regni invasorem.
XIX. Promissum ei qui primus hoc fecerit, si plures simul Jecerint, cui debeatur.
XX. Conjectura se ultro offerens: aut extendit, et quando id fiat: Ubi et de mandato per aliud implendo: XXIL. Aut restringit: idque vel ec defectu originario voluntatis, qui colligitur ex absurdo: - XXIII. Ez cessatione rationis uniec: XXIV. Ez materie defectu: XXV. (Observatio circa conjecturas provime dictas:) XXVI. Vel ex casus emergentis repugnantia, cum. voluntate: qui swmitwur ez illicito: XXVIIL Ez onere nimium gravi, habita ratione actus: XXVIII. £z signis aliis, ut ubi partes scripti inter se commit- XXI.
tuntur: XXIX. Quo twm regula observande sint.
XXX. Scripturam in. dubio ad contractus validitatem non requiri.
XXXI Hegum contractus | interpretationem, ex jure Romano non sumere.
XXXII. Verba conditionem. acceptantis, an offerentis, magis spectanda, per distinctionem ecplicatur.
De Offic. i. 13.
t qm qui promisit solum si spectamus, sponte id prestare obligatur in quod obligari voluit. Zn fide quid senseris non quid dixeris cogitandum, inquit Cicero. Sed quia interni actus per se spectabiles non sunt, et certi aliquid statuendum est, ne nulla sit obligatio, si quisque sensum quem vellet sibi affingendo liberare se posset; ipsa dictante naturali ratione jus est ei, cui quid promissum est, promissorem cogere ad id quod recta interpretatio suggerit: nam alioqui res exitum non reperiret: quod in moralibus pro impossibili habetur. Hoc forte sensu cum de pactis egisset Isocrates przescriptione adversus Callimachum, τούτῳ, inquit, νόμῳ κοινῷ πάντες ἄνθρωποι διατελοῦμεν χρώμενοι, ut recte eum locum emendavit vir eminentissims eruditionis Petrus Faber,!Aac lege communi homines inter nos perpetuo utimur, nec Greci tantum, sed et Barbari, ut paulo ante idem dixerat. ' 2 Hue ilud pertünet in antiqua federum formula apud Livium: Sine dolo malo *utique ea hic hodie rectissime in- In toto isto Capite perpetuo conferendus PvrEsNpoRr. De Jure Nat. et Gent. Lib. v. cap. 12. cum Notis nostris. J. B.
à Utique ea hic hodie rectissime intellecta. sunt] Vota interpretanda, ut communiter sumuntur, notant Hebrzi b Non grammatica, que est ex origine] Bene Procopius Vandalicorum 1. ubi de voce agit Federatorum: χρόνου τὰς προσηγορίας, ἐφ᾽ ὧν τέθ- TOU - ET E US eivTaL, 1]KtaT à ἀξιοῦντος τηρεῖν. ἀλλὰ τῶν πραγμάτων ἀεὶ περιφερομένων ἡ ταῦτα ἄγειν ἐθέλουσιν ἄνθρωποι, τῶν ad Num. xxx. ? In Opere Semestrium, Lib.r. cap. T.infine. J. B.
πρόσθεν ὠνομασμένων ὀλιγωροῦντες" Longa dies non solet servare voces in quibus primum date sunt sensu: vertun- CnuaPrER XVI. Of Interpretation.
I. 1 If we merely consider him who has promised, he is bound to perform, without compulsion, that to which he was willing to be bound. Zn good faith, what sw thought, not what yow said, is to be considered, says Cicero. But because internal acts of themselves are not an object of sense, and some certain rule must be established, in order that obligations may not be frustrated, as they might be, if any one, by pretending any sense of his words which he chose to assign, could free himself; natural reason dictates that what is promised to any one, compels the promiser to that which a right interpretation suggests; for otherwise the matter would have no determinate result; which in moral matters is held to be impossible. Perhaps it was in this sense that Isocrates, treating of pacts, spoke of the common mule which all observe. So Livy: sine dolo malo intellecta.
2 The measure of right interpretation, is the purpose, as inferred - tellecta, sunt. Recto interpretationis mensura est collectio mentis ex signis maxime probabilibus.?Ea signa sunt duum generum, verba et conjecturz aliz:e: quae aut seorsim considerantur, aut conjunctim.
II. Si nulla sit conjectura quz» ducat alio, verba intelligenda sunt ex proprietate, "non grammatica quz est ex origine, sed populari ex usu, Quem penes arbitrium est, et jus et norma loquendi.
Stulto ergo perfidi: effugio usi sunt ^Locri, cum polliciti se pactis staturos quamdiu terram hanc insisterent et capita humeris gestarent, terram caleeamentis injectam, et alliorum capita humeris imposita abjecerunt, quasi eo modo religione se possent exsolvere, quas historia apud Polybium exstat: ae similis perfidia exempla aliquot apud Polysnum, quz transcribere nihil opus est, quia controversiam non habent. Ejusmodi fraudibus recte dixit Cicero adstringi, non dissolvi perjurium.
III. “πη artium autem vocabulis, qu:e populus vix capit, tur enim res ipse qua, volunt homines, vocabula illa primitus imposita rebus nihil curantes. (Cap. 11.)
* Locri] Polybius, Lib. xrr. c. 4. Simile quod Bcoti urbem polliciti red- Turcarum orig. in Mahumete II. pag.
4 Inartium autem vocabulis] Augustinus in rhetoricis: Ut multa nova tam a technicis et mathematicis quam a phidere, non stantem sed eversam reddidere. 'Phucyd. v. (cap. 42) et quod Mahumetes Sultanus, Eubcea capta, eum dissecuit cui caput incolume fore promiserat. [Vide J. CusPiwiAw. de losophis cognominantur, accipere debemus non tam pro solito usu consuetudinis, quam pro conditione praecepti. (Cap. 9. Princip. A Aetoric. falso illi Doctori tributorum.)
from the most probablesigns. "These signs are of two kinds, words, and other conjectures; which are considered either separately or conjointly.
IL Ifthere is no conjecture which points another away, the words are to be understood,not according to grammatical and etymological, but popular propriety, as regulated by usage. ^ That was a foolish evasion therefore of the Locrians, who, when they had sworn that they would keep their compact as long as they stood upon the earth and carried heads on their shoulders, put earth in their shoes, and heads of garlick on their shoulders, and then threw them away; as if they could in that way free themselves from their oath: as the story is in Polybius. There are some examples of similar bad faith in Polyzenus, which it is not necessary to trauscribe, because there is no controversy in such cases. Cicero rightly says, that such artifices do not extenuate, but establish perfidy.
III. In terms of art, however, which are popularly hardly intel- Horat. Arf. Poet. v. 73.
De Offic. iii.
Cap. vii.
Paxrad. vi.
his qui not. infum.
Lib. iii. 1l. De Re Milit.
adhibenda erit artis eujusque prudentum definitio, ut quid sit majestas, quid parricidium, quse ad finitivum. statum referunt oratori:e artis magistri. Vere enim dictum a Cicerone Academiearum primo: JDialecticorum. verba, nulla sunt publica, suis utuntur: et id quidem commune omnium fere est artium, Sie si in pactis de exercitu dictum fuerit, definiemus exercitum esse eam militum multitudinem, quz palam fines hosticos ausit invadere: nam passim opponunt historici id quod furtim fit aut latrocinantium more, et quod justo fit exercitu. Quare pro viribus hostium zestimandum, quse copize exercitum faciant. Cicero exercitum vocat sex legiones et auxilia. Polybius Romanum exercitum plerumque ait constitisse sexdecim millibus? Romanorum, viginti sociorum: at minor quoque numerus implere potest ejus nominis mensuram. Nam Ulpianus exercitui preesse eum ait, qui vel uni legioni cum auxiliis przest; id est, ut Vegetius exponit, decem millibus peditum, duobus millibus equitum. Et Livius in octo millibus *speciem ponit justi exercitus. Pari modo de classe erit sstimandum. Sic *arx est loeus, qui arcere hostülem exercitum ad tempus possit.