P. M. Sezvola held that they did not: since when the people had given up a person, it was as if they had expelled him from the city, as if they had interdicted him from fire and water. Brutus, and after him Cicero, defend the opposite opinion. And this is the sounder opinion; not, however, properly for the reason which Cicero gives, that a surrender, like a donation, cannot be understood without * 'This passage is not quite to the purpose. 'W.
Car. XXI] DE POENARUM COMMUNICATIONE. 351 sine aeceptione non possit inteligi. Nam actus donationis perfectionem non habet nisi ex duorum consensu. At dedere, de quo hie agimus, nihil est aliud quam civem alterius populi potestati permittere, ita ut de eo statuat quod voluerit. He autem permissio jus nullum dat aut adimit; executionis tantum impedimentum tollit. Quare si alter populus concesso jure non utatur, erit is qui deditus est eo loco at a suo populo possit puniri (quod in Clodio Corsis dedito, nec ab iis accepto val. Max. vi. evenit) aut non puniri, ut multa sunt delicta in quibus utrumvis fieri potest. Jus autem civitatis, ut et jura et bona alia, non amittitur ipso facto, sed decreto aliquo aut judicio, nisi lex aliqua factum velit haberi pro re judicata, quod hie dici non potest. IÍoe denique modo et bona, si dedita nec accepta sint, manebunt cujus fuerant. At si deditio accepta sit, et postea easu aliquo reversus sit is qui fuerat deditus, is civis non erit nisi ex novo beneficio: quo sensu verum est, quod Modestinus de dedito respondit. L.4. D. de captivis. tueret Chosrots. [Lib.xvir.cap.5. ubi — nomr. De Jure Nat. et Gent. Lib. virr. agitur de Sclero Magistro Militum.] 6.11. 89. Et de Z. ult. D. De Legat. Vide de piratis Lesbi mendose receptis απ diximus in Notis Gallicis ad hune Chalcocondylam libro x. init. locum. J. B.
* Confer, de hac quaestione, PurENacceptance. For the act of donation is not complete without the consent of two: but the giving up or surrender of which we have spoken is nothing more than leaving a citizen of ours to the power of another people, so that they may determine about him what they will But this permission does not give or take away any right: it may take away an impediment to the execution of punishment, "Therefore if the other people do not use the right which is conceded to it, the person so surrendered will be in a condition to be punished by his own nation, (as happened in the case of Clodius, surrendered to the Corsicans and not accepted by them;) or he may not be punished, as there are many delicts in which the one or the other may take place. And the rights of a citizen, like many other rights and possessions, are not lost by a mere fact, but by some decree or sentence; except there be some law which directs the fact to be considered as a judicial act, — * which cannot be said in this case. And in the same way, if goods are surrendered but not accepted, they remain whose they were. But if the surrender of a person is accepted, and afterwards he who had been surrendered happens to return, he is no longer a citizen, except by some new concession of citizenship to him: and in this sense the opinion which Modestinus gave respecting a person surrendered, is true.
Lib. xiii. bibl.
Apud Stob. Tit. 7.
352 DE POGINARUM COMMUNICATIONE. [Lr». II.
8 Qus autem diximus de nocentibus dedendis aut puniendis, non tantum ad eos pertinent qui subditi semper fuerunt ejus apud quem nune reperiuntur, verum etiam ad eos qui post crimen commissum aliquo confugerunt.
V. 1 Neque obstant illa adeo praedicata "supplicum jura et asylorum exempla. H:ee enim illis prosunt qui immerito odio laborant, non qui commiserunt quod societati human: aut hominibus aliis sit inpriosum. Gylippus Laco apud Diodorum Sieulum agens de illo supplicum jure sic ait: qui initio jura ista, introducerunt, infelicibus quidem misericordiam, at his qui malo animo injuriam intulerunt, ponam. ezspectandam voluerunt. Postea: hi vero si dolo malo, si injusta alieni cupiditate in mala hee inciderunt, ne accusent fortunam, ne supplicum sibi nomen imponant. — [d enim jure hominum illis debetur * quibus innocens est animus, irata fortuna. Horwm vero vita plena factis injustis, nullum $psis locum reliquit qui ad. miserationem et perfugium pateret. Duo illa, fortunam et injuriam, Menander optime distinxit: Σ᾽ Ἀτύχημα κἀδίκημα διαφορὰν ἔχει: Τὸ γὰρ διὰ τύχην γίγνεται, τὸ δ᾽ αἱρέσει. Carum occidisti, dum vis succurrere: nullum Crimen habes: manus est tibi purior ac fuit ante.
υ Supplicum jura] Koiwol ἱκεσίας νόμοι Polybio, et Malcho in excerptis legationum. [Hic dicit: μὴ μέν τοι ὅσιον Τόττοις, ὥσπερ οὐδὲ ἄλλοις av- θρώποις; ἱκέτας, καὶ σωτηρίας δεομέ- νους ἀνθρώπους, τοῖς λαβεῖν βουλομέ- νοις ἐκδιδόναι προχείρως. Pag. 69. Ed. -Hoschel.]
x Quibus innocens est animus, irata fortuna] Oraculum vetus [apud ZElianum, Var. Hist. 111. 44.]
"Exrewas τὸν ἑταῖρον ἀμύνων" ov σ᾽ ἐμίανεν Αἷμα. πέλεις δὲ χέρας καθαρώτερος ἣ πάρος ἦσθα.
Y Ἀτύχημα καὶ ἀδίκημα] Philo de Judice: ἔλεος ἐπ’ ἀτυχήμασιν" ὁ δ᾽ ἑκουσίᾳ γνώμῃ πονηρευόμενος, οὐκ ἀτυxns ἀλλ᾽ ἄδικος" misericordia, infortuniis debetur; at qui deliberata sententia male agit, non infelix est, sed. injustus. (Pag. 722 4.) Sic M. Antoninus mentem vult inspici: ἵνα ἐπιστήσης πότεpov ἄγνοια ἡ γνώμη, καὶ ἅμα λογίσῃ ὅ, τι συγγενές" ut noris ignorantia in aliquo an consilium fuerit, et simul ea.
8 What we have said of surrendering or punishing criminals, applies not only to those who have always been the subjects of him under whose rule they are now found; but also to those, who, after committing a crime, have fled to any place.
V. 1 Nor is this doctrine impeached by the rights of suppliants, and the cases of asylum, which are so much spoken of. "These arrangements are for the advantage of those who are persecuted without deserving to be so; not of those who have committed what is injurious to human society or to other men. $So Gylippus says of this right of suppliants. [See.] Menander very properly distinguishes Car. XXL] DE POENARUM COMMUNICATIONE Injuria illud distat infortunio, Hoe casus, illam quod voluntas efficit.
Non abit hinc Demosthenis dictum: δίκαιόν € ἐστιν ἐλεεῖν οὐ In Aphob. τ.
τοὺς ἀδίκους τῶν ἀνθρώπων, ἀλλὰ TOUS παρὰ λόγον δυστυ- χουντας. reri oportet, qui propter fortunam, non propter malitiam, in miseriis sunt. Et *Antiphanis illud: τὸ ἀκούσιον ἁμάρ-τήμα τῆς τύχης ἐστὶ, TO δὲ ἑκούσιον τῆς “γνώμης quod non sponte fit, fortuna est; quod. sponte, consilii. οὐδενὶ οὐδὲν ἑκούσιον δυστύχημα γίνεται" nemini infortunium sponte sua, accidit, manu fugisset, quo interfectus esset homo, asyla patebant:: sub fin. p.
Quod Cicero ita vertit de inventione secundo: mse- cap. 36.
Et hoc Lysis: orat. xxv. 3.
Sie in sapientissima lege, quibus telum new. xix. 1.
seqq.
servis quoque perfugium dabatur: at qui deliberato hominem 1i. xxiii.15. innocentem occidissent, qui civitatis turbassent statum, his ne Ecod.xxi. 14.
ipsum sanctisimum Dei altare patrocinabatur. Hanc legem 3 Reg. Xi 13. et seqq.
Philo explicans ait, ἀσυλίαν avté pois τὸ ἱερὸν μὴ παρέχεσθαι" De spec. lg.
profanis in fano nullum esse receptum. | Nec aliter Grzeci antiquiores. Nauplium narrantur Chaleidenses Achivis "dedere Plut. quest.
noluisse, sed causa additur, quia satis se purgaverat de his qua ab Achivis objiciebantur.
consideres qua his coherent. Sic τὰ ἐξ — idem eodem modo corruptum infra leἀγνοίας ἢ λήθης, que ab ignorantia aut oblivione veniunt, et τὰ ἐκ -rpovoías, qua ez consulto fiunt, distinguit Totilas apud Procopium Goithicorum 111. cap. 9. [In loco Marci Antonini, qui legitur Lib. rx. ὃ 22..Edit. Gataker. verba ultima male vertit Auctor, quz significant, ut Interpres ille eruditissimus reddit: cogitesque simul esse tibi cognatum, i.e. natura. J. B.]
* Non Antiphanis, ut habent omnes Editiones, sed AxriPHONTIS, Orat. x1v.
gitur, $ 16. Locus autem mox sequens Lysiz, exstat Orat, Xxx. seu contra Phiτ Dedere noluisse] Kecepit nec dedidit Pipinus ex Neustria ob tyrannidem ad se confugientes. Estid apud Fredegarium in rebus Pipini ad annum Ioc LxxxvII. Etiam ab ecclesia Romana ad se confugientes recepit Ludovicus Pius Imperator, ut apparet ex ejus decreto facto anno Io cccxvrr. inserto in tomum 11. conciliorum Gallice: et Carolus Calvus, qui ex parte fratris sui misdeed from misfortune; the former, he says, happens by will, the latter by chance.
So Demosthenes, and Cicero after him, say that the proper objects of. pity are those who are in. distress through fortune, not through malice, And so that of Antiphon *, and that of Lysias. [See.] So in the Hebrew law, he who had killed a man by chance, might take to the city of refuge: but they who had deliberately killed an innocent man, or disturbed the state of the city, were not to be protected, even by the altar of God. So Philo. And the more ancient Greeks had the * Orat. xiv. xv. p. 194. Ed. Wech. not Antiphanes, 1. B.
[cnoT. 1.7 Lib. i. seu Attic. e. 16.
Panath. p.
Orat. Leuct. "Tom. 1r.
Hist. Grec.
p.1l4n.
354 DE POGENARUM COMMUNICATIONE. [Lir. II.
2 Erat apud Athenienses Ara Misericordie, cujus meminerunt 5Cicero, Pausanias, *Servius, etiam Theophilus in Institutionibus, et quam late describit Papinius duodecimo 7'"hebaidos. At quibus patebat illa? Audi poétam (vers. 483): Et miseri fecere sacram: mox convenisse eo ait (vers. 507): Victos bellis patriaque a sede fugatos, Regnorumque inopes.
Aristides "propriam Atheniensium laudem esse ait, τὴν τῶν πανταχόθεν δυστυχούντων ὑποδοχὴν καὶ παραμυθίαν, quod omnibus undique infelicibus perfugio ac solatio esset. Et alibi: τοῖς καθ᾽ ἑκάστους ἀτυχοῦσι κοινὴ πᾶσιν ὕπεστιν εὐ-τυχία, τὸ τῆς πόλεως ταύτης ἦθος ὑφ᾽ οὗ σώζονται" his qui ubivis locorum infelices sunt, communis eis una. est felicitas, bonitas civitatis Atheniensis, per quam salutis compotes fiunt. Apud Xenophontem Patrocles Phliasius in oratione quam Athenis habebat: ἐζήλουν τήνδε τὴν πόλιν, ὅτι πάντας καὶ TOUS ἀδικουμένους καὶ τοὺς φυβουμένους ἐνθάδε καταφεύryovTas ἐπικουρίας δεομένους ἤκονον τυγχάνειν" laudabam hanc urbem, quod omnes aut injuria affectos, aut. sibi prametuentes, si huc perfugissent, awxilii compotes fieri intelleveram. ldem sensus est in epistola Demosthenis pro Lyeurgi liberis. Itaque CEdipus ad Colonum confugiens, in ejus nominis tragcedia, ^apud Sophoclem ita testatur (vers. 521, ete.): ana xvi. 18.
5 Apud Scholiastem Statii, in Theb. xit. 481. ubi quasi ex Libro Tusculanarum id refert. Sed nil de ea Ara ibi reperitur. J. B.
Ludovici ad se profugerant: Aymonius Lib. v. cap. 34. De Cegena Patzinaca non dedito postulanti TTyracho vide in Constantini Monomachi rebus Zonaram, (Lib. xvii. cap. 26. Ed. Reg.) Sic et Osmanes ab Inungino praefecto non deditus Eskisari: Leunclavius libro rr. Historie Turcice. Albuquercium Lusitani non dedidere, ut memorat Maria Servius] Ad vri. ZEneidos, (vers.
b Propriam Atheniensium laudem] Quam Arragoniis tribuit Mariana xx. 13.
same rule. "The Chalcidians would not give up Nauplius to the Achaians; but the cause is added, because he had sufficiently eleared himself from the accusations of the Achaians.
2 "There was at Athens an Altar of Mercy, mentioned by Cicero *, Pausanias, Servius, Theophilus, and described at length by Statius in his Zhebaid. Butto whom was it accessible? "The poet says, The sniserable made it sacred: and adds, that those who came together there, * Quoted by the Scholiast on Statius, Z'heb. x11. 481, where he refers it to the Tusceulans: but in that work there is nothing about such an altar. J.B.
Ca4r. XXL] DE POGENARUM COMMUNICATIONE. 9 οι Ct Heu, Cecropidze, mala multa tuli: Sed nempe tuli: Deus est testis, Nihil horum sponte patratum. Respondet Theseus (vers. 565, et seq.): Non me pigebat hospitem, qualem, CEdipe, Te tueor, omni sospitare in tempore, Homo esse memini, Similiter "Thesei filius Demophon, ^cum Herculis posteri Athenas confugissent, sic ait: H:ee patria nostra semper invalidos solet, Sed jure fretos, ope sua defendere.
Antehac amicis mille relevandis tulit Discrimina: et nune aliud in promtu imminet. Et hoc illud factum est, ob quod Athenienses przeipue przedicabat Callisthenes: τούτους “γὰρ καὶ πρὸς Εὐρυσθέα zo-λεμῆσαι ὑπὲρ τῶν παίδων τοῦ Ἡρακλέους τυραννοῦντα ἐν τῷ τότε τῆς "EAXaQos hos enim et in Eurysthea bellum suscepisse "pro Herculis liberis, cum Greciam Eurystheus tyrannide premeret.
8 Contra de maleficis hoc habes in eadem tragedia: Hune qui facinorum conscius, nec legibus Fidens ad aras volvitur supplex Deüm, Trahere ad tribunal nulla religio mihi: Mala semper:equum ferre qui fecit male.
Gepidz perire omnes malunt quam Ildigisalem Romanis aut Longobardis dedere. Procopius Gotthicorum 1v. (Hist. Miscell. cap. 27.)
€ Apud Sophoclem] Vide totum 1locum; est enim lectu dignus.
$5 Non Demophon, sed Chorus apud EvmriPiDEM JAeraclid. vers. 330, et seqq. Versus autem, qui mox num. 3. sequuntur, et quasi ez eadem tragedia adducuntur, sunt ex incerta Tragoedia Euripidis, apud Stobzeum, Germ. xr1v. Tit. 46, [p. 904]. Ed. Auctoris nostri, qui inde versionem suam huc transtulit. Incipiunt Greci versus ita: 'Eya γὰρ ὅστις pa] δίκαιος ὧν ἀνήρ, etc. J. D.
3 Pro Herculis liberis] Vide Euripidem ZZeraclidis, et Apollodorum were those conquered, in war, those driven from their country, those who had no state to which they belonged. | So Aristides, in praise of the Athenians, says that Athens was the refuge for the wretched. In Xenophon, Patrocles the Phliarian says the same. So Demosthenes; and Sophocles in the GZdipus Coloneus; and Demophon, [rather the Chorus, in Euripid. Z7eracleid. v. 330, &c. J.D.] And this is the point for which Callisthenes especially praised the Athenians.
3 On the other hand, in the same tragedy *, one of the characters * Not the same, but an uncertain tragedy of Euripides in Stobzus: Germ.
Adver. Leocr.
Ann. ii. 60.
Ibid. c. 36.
356 DE PCENARUM COMMUNICATIONE. (Lan. II.
Idem Zone (vers. 1315, et seqq.): Non enim tangi decet Manu nocente numina, at justum fuit Piis patere templa contra injurias. Narrat orator Lycurgus Callistratum quendam, qui capital commiserat, consulto oraculo responsum accepisse, si Athenas lisset, τεύξεσθαι τῶν νόμων, consecuturum quod jus esset: ilum vero confugisse ^ad id quod Athenis sanctissimum esset altare, impunitatis fiducia: at nihilominus occisum eum ab observantissima suarum religionum civitate, atque ita impletam oraculi fidem. | Et Tacitus improbat receptum suo szeculo morem, per Grzeas urbes flagitia hominum ut ceremonias Deum protegendi. Apud eundem est: principes quidem instar Deorum esse: sed neque a Diis nisi justas supplicum preces audiri.
4 Tales ergo aut puniendi, aut dedendi, aut certe amoe Ad id quod Athenis sanctissimum esset altare] In Lusitania Ferdinandum cubiculi prefectum e templo ad quod confugerat raptum, et igne combustum, ob vitium nobili virgini illatum, narrat Mariana libro xxr. "Vide et de asylis librum viri magni Pauli Veneti, societatis servorum quae dicitur.
7 Non erat Persa, sed Lydus. Inspice locum Herodoti, in margine a me distincte indicatum. J. B.
f Perseus rez Macedonum]: Narrat et Appianus excerpto legationum num. 20. Simile illud in latina vita Themistoclis. [Corn. Nepos: c.8], cum ab Atheniensibus et Lacedemoniis evxposceretur publice, supplicem non prodidit (Admetus rex Molossorum) monuitque ut consuleret sibi: itaque Pydnam eum deduci jussit, et quod satis esset presidii dedit. Sic et Ildisgim Langobardum dimittunt Gepide apud Procopium says that he knows no piety which withholds him from dragging guilty men from the altar to the tribunal. And the same author, in the 7on, says, that guilty men should not go to the gods for refuge, but that the temples should be open to the pious to protect them from injury. Lycurgus the orator relates that a certain Callistratus, who had committed a capital offense, having consulted the oracle, received for answer that if he went to Athens, he would have the benefit of the law: that accordingly, he took refuge at the most sacred altar at Athens, depending upon impunity; but that he was nevertheless put to death by the city, strictly careful of its religious observances; and thus the oracle was fulfilled. "Tacitus blames the custom which was in his time prevalent, of protecting, in the Greek cities, the crimes of men as the ceremonies of the gods. "The same writer says, that Princes are indeed like gods; but that even the gods hear only the just prayers of suppliants.
4 Such persons, therefore, are either to be punished, or surrendered, or at least, removed. So the Cymeans, not being willing either Car. XXL]. DE POGENARUM COMMUNICATIONE. 357 vendi. Sie narrante lerodoto Cymsi Paetyen ^*Persam Liv.i109101. cum nec dedere vellent, nec retinere auderent, permiserunt abire Mitylenen. Demetrium Pharium qui bello victus ad Liv xxi 25. Philippum Macedonum regem fugerat, a rege depoposcerunt Romani. fPerseus rex Macedonum, in purgatione ad Mar- rix. xiii. 41, tium, de his agens qui Eumeni insidiati dicebantur: ego istos, ut primum in Macedonia esse admonitus a, vobis comperi, requisitos abire ev regno jussi, et in perpetuum interdiai Jinibus meis. Samothraces Euandro qui Eumeni insidias struxerat, denuntiant, liberaret religione templum.
5 Ceterum jus hoe, quod diximus, deposcendi ad pcenas eos qui extra territorium profugerunt, hoc et proxime actis sseculis et plerisque Europze partibus, circa ea demum crimina usurpatur quae statum publieum tangunt, aut quse» eximiam habent facinoris atrocitatem. ^ Minora mutua dissimulatione transmitti invaluit, *nisi federis legibus propius quiddam con- Liv. xlv. 5.
Liv. xlv. 5.
Gotthicorum 1i. (cap. 35.) Adde epistolam 'Theuderici ad Trasamundum regem Vandalorum de Giselico suscepto, [apud Cassiodor.] v. 43 et 44. Et ea qua in vita regis Ludovici. Sic Christophorum Sborovium a se amovit Imperator Rudolphus II. teste '"Thuano Lib. rxxxmnr. in anno clolorxxxv. Elisabetha Scotis respondet se Dothwellüm aut reddituram aut ex Anglia exterminaturam. Camdenus id habet circa ann. cIo Io xcrm. (pag. 607.) De Alfonso Gegionis comite a rege Gallize damnato, ac negato ei in Hispaniam receptu, vide Marianam xix. 6.
€ Nisi federis legibus propius quiddam convenerit] Ut in federe Helvetiorum cum Mediolanensibus Simlerus recitat. Federa Anglorum cum Gallis dedi rebelles et profugos volunt, cum Burgundis expelli. Camdenus in anno cIoIoc.
to give up Pactyas the Persian, or to retain him, allowed him to go to Mitylene. Demetrius of Pharos, who, when defeated, had fled to Philip, king of Macedon, the Romans demanded from the king. Perseus, king of Macedon, in defending himself to Martius, and speaking of those who were said to have laid wait for Eumenes, said that he had commanded them to depart from his kingdom, and never to return. The Samothracians denounced to Evander, who had practised secretly against Eumenes, the necessity of freeing their temples from pollution, 5 But this right of demanding, for the sake of punishing, those who have fled out of the territory, is, in this and the last preceding ages, in most parts of Europe, used only with regard to those crimes which affect the publie good, or have some peculiar features of atrocity. It has become the custom to overlook on both sides smaller offenses, except there be a treaty with some especial provisions on this subject. It is to be remarked, however, that robbers and pirates who have made themselves strong and formidable, may be received and 958 DE POGENARUM COMMUNICATIONE. [118. II.
venerit. Sed et hoe sciendum est, latrones ac piratas qui ita invaluerunt ut formidabiles se fecerint, recte recipi ac defendi, ponam quod attinet, quia interest humani generis ut si aliter non possunt impunitatis fiducia a maleficiis revocentur, ejusque negotium gerere quivis populus aut populi rector potest. VI. 1 Notandum et hoc, interim dum de causze justitia cognoscitur, defendi supplices. Sic Demophon ad legatum goce Eurystheos: Si crimen istis aliquod hospitibus struis, Jus impetrabis: vi quidem hine non abstrahes.
Et in altera tragcedia Theseus ad Creontem: Es facinus ausus $temet indignum, Creo, 'Tuisque Thebis aec tuis majoribus: Ingressus urbem qu:e colit fas ac pium, Qu:e cuncta rite legis ex norma facit, Nostris omissis moribus, quiequid lubet Moliris, et vi cuncta te acturum putas. Adeone hominibus vidua vel patiens jugi Urbs ista visa est, et ego nullius rei? Non te ista docuit civitas Amphionis, Quippe educare haud solita mortales feros: Nec approbabit illa cum te audiverit Quz sunt Deorum, quzxque mea pervadere, Et rapere ab alma sede miseros supplices Ego Labdacea si urbe posuissem pedem, Quamvis fuissent justa mihi certissima, Indubia, nulli injicere tentassem manum, Nisi annuente qui soli regnum tenet, 8 Est in Greco ἐμοῦ, apud Sorno- — et Comwd. Grcc. habet etiam £e, nescio συμ, GZdip. Colon. vers. 904 [v. 911 quo fato, quum ibi recte scripserit Ed. Dindorf.] In Jzcerptis ec Trag. ἐμοῦ, pag. 98,99. J.B.
defended [on condition of desisting from their evil practices, G.] so far as punishment goes; because it is the interest of the human race, that if they cannot be reformed in any other way, they may be so by the assurance of impunity for the past; and any people or any ruler may negotiate such a matter.
VI. 1 It is to be remarked that it sometimes happens that suppliants are defended [provisorily], till their case can be fairly judged. So Demophon says to the messenger of Eurystheus, that if he has any charge against the refugees, he will obtain justice, but that till then, they will not be given up. And in another tragedy [the GZdipus Coloneus of Sophocles, v. 904]. "Theseus says to Creon that it is against the praetice of Athens to give up refugees. Your attempt, he says, MC e Car. XXL] DE POGEINARUM COMMUNICATIONE. 3; Quid in urbe deceat hospitem externa memor. Tu nec merentem patriam aspergis tuam Probro atque maculis, et senem certe tua Te fecit setas, sed parum mentis potem.
2 Quod si id, cujus accusantur supplices, non sit vetitum jure naturz aut gentium, res dijudicanda erit ex jure civili populi unde veniunt: quod optime ostendit Z/Eschylus Supplicibus, ubi rex Argivus Danaidum gregem ex /Egypto venien- p. 21. tem sie affatur: 804-1) Ei τοι κρατοῦσι παῖδες Αἰγύπτου σέθεν, NU πόλεως Φασκοστεν ἐγγύτατα γένους Εἶναι, τίς ἂν τοῖσδ᾽ ἀντιωθῆναι θέλοι; Δεῖ τοί σε φεύγειν κατὰ νόμους τοὺς οἴκοθεν; Qs οὐκ ἔχουσι κῦρος οὐδὲν ἀμφὶ cov. Manum tibi si immittat ZEgypti genus, Quod lege patria proximos se sanguine Dicant, quis hzc objicere se contra velit ὃ Quare tuum est docere natalis soli Ex lege, nullo jure te illis subjici.
VII. 1 Vidimus quomodo a subditis, aut veteribus aut advenis, culpa in rectores transeat: vicissim a summa potestate in subditos culpa transibit, si in crimen subditi consenserint, aut si quid fecerint summ:e potestatis imperio aut suasu, quod facere sine facinore non poterant: qua de re rectius erit infra agere, ubi, qu: partes sint subditorum, examinabitur. Etiam inter universos et singulos communicatur delictum, quia, ut Augustinus ait loco supra adducto, ubi «niversi, 1 Levi. ibi et singuli; universi non possunt nisi ex singulis quibus- c is an act unworthy of Thebes and of you*.
2 And then, if that of which the refugees are accused is not a matter against the law of nature or of nations, it must be judged by the civil law of the people from whom they come; as ZEschylus assumes in his Suppliants, where Danaus addresses the persons who came from Egypt to that effect, VIL 1 We have seen how the fault passes to the rulers from the subjects, either ancient or recently arrived; in like manner the fault will pass from the rulers to the subjects, if these have consented to the crime, or if they have done anything by the command or the suasion of their superiors, which they could not do without guilt: on which point it will be more correct to treat hereafter, when we have to * In the Greek, ἐμοῦ, but Grotius translates it fe, both here and in his extracts from the Greek Tragedies and Comedies, J. B.
Lycur. orat.
Supra c. 9, Τι. Θὲ. Ὁ): quib. mod. ususfr. am. Plut. Alea.
360 DE PCENARUM COMMUNICATIONE. [Lir. II.
que constare: nam singuli quique congregati, vel in summam reputati, faciunt universos.
2 Pertinet autem culpa ad singulos qui consenserunt, non ad eos qui aliorum sententiis victi sunt. —Distinctze enim sunt poenze singulorum et universitatis. Sicut singulorum pona interdum est mors, ita πόλεως θάνατος ἀνάστατον “γενέσθαι, mors civitatis everti: quod fit eum corpus civile dissolvitur; qua de re diximus alibi. Atque hoc modo si civitas esse desinat, usumfructum velut morte finiri recte dixit Modestinus. Singuli in servitutem pens nomine rediguntur, ut Thebani sub Alexandro Macedone: exceptis his qui deereto exuendz societatis contradixerant. Sie et civitas subit servitutem civilem in provinciam redacta. Singuli bona sua amittunt confiscatione. Sic civitati adimi solent quz habet communia, muri, navalia, naves bellicz, arma, elephanti, srarium, agri publici.
3 At ut singuli ob delictum universitatis citra consensum suum ea amittant, quz ipsorum sunt propria, injustum est, ut recte ostendit Libanius in ea quz est de seditione Antiochena.
h Theodosii probat factum] Eadem ^ Antiochenos paria olim constituerat απ Libanius de hac re dicit et Chryso- — Marcus Antoninus philosophus, ut testis stomus in xvii. de Statuis: in eosdem — est Capitolinus (cap. 25) et in Byspeak of the duties of subjects. "There is even a participation of punishment by communication between the general body and individuals; for, as Augustine says, T'he general bod» consists of individuals, &c.
2 But the fault lies at the door of the individuals who have consented to the act, not to those who were outvoted by the others. For the punishments of individuals and of the general body are different. As the punishment of individuals is sometimes death, so it is the punishment of a city to be destroyed, which is done when the civil body is dissolved; of which case we have spoken elsewhere. And if a city or state cease to exist in this manner, Modestinus rightly said, that the life-interest which any persons have init ceases. Individuals are reduced to slavery in the way of punishment, as the Thebans under Alexander of Macedon: excepting those who had voted against the proposal of making the alliance [with the Macedonians, G.] So also a city or state undergoes civil slavery, by being reduced into the condition of a province. Individuals lose their goods by confiscation. But [in punishing a city] the things which are taken from the city are the publie property; as walls, arsenals, fleets, arms, elephants, its treasury, and its public lands.
3 But that individuals should lose what is their own property, on - -——D cn VES nx Ca4r. XXI.] DE PCGENARUM COMMUNICATIONE. 361 Idem "Theodosii probat factum, qui commune delictum punierat interdictione theatri, balneorum, nominis metropolitani.
VIII. 1 Egregia hie oceurrit quzstio, an pcena ob delietum universitatis semper exigi possit. Quamdiu durat universitas, videtur posse, quia idem corpus manet, quanquam particulis succedentibus, ut alibi ostensum est. Sed ex adverso notandum est, qusdam de universitate dici primo ae per se, ut habere zrarium, leges, et similia: quzdam non nisi derivatione a singulis. Sic namque doctam dicimus uni- Arist vii ot versitatem et fortem, quz plurimos habet tales. De hoc ἡ genere est meritum: primo enim convenit singulis, ut animum habentibus quem universitas per se non habet. Extinctis ergo illis per quod ad universitatem meritum deducebatur, ipsum quoque meritum extinguitur, ac proinde et pcenze debitum, quod sine merito diximus non consistere. Libanius in dieta oratione: ἐμοὶ μὲν “γὰρ δοκεῖς ἀρκεῖν ἡγούμενος TO μηκέτ᾽ εἶναι μηδένα τῶν ταῦτ᾽ ἠδικηκότων" ita enim eazantinos Seyerus, demto theatro, ther- ^ Herodianum (Lib. rir. c. 6. n.19. Edit.
mis, honore, ornamentisque omnibus: ^ Becler.) Zonaram, (Lib. xir. cap. 8) sed et ipsa urbs Perinthiis data: vide ^ et qu: supra dicta a nobis.
account of a delict of the general body, committed without their consent, is unjust: as Libanius rightly shews on the sedition of Antioch. The same writer approves an act of Theodosius, who punished a publie offense by interdicting the theatre, the publie baths, and the title of metropolis.
VIII. 1 "This important question occurs, whether punishment may always be exacted for the deliets of the general body. So long as the constitution of the body continues, it would seem that it can, because the same body remains, though preserved by a succession of different particles, as we have elsewhere shewn. But, on the contrary side, it is to be observed that some things are asserted of the body primarily and per se, as to have a treasury, laws, and the like; others only derivatively from its members. "Thus we call a body learned and brave, which has many learned and brave members. And desert [of punishment, G.] is of this kind; for, in the first place, it belongs to individuals, as having a spirit and intelligence which the body by itself has not. Therefore if these persons be extinct, from whom desert was deduced and carried to the account of the body, the desert is extinct, and also the desert of punishment; which, as we have said, cannot exist without desert. So Libanius says: Jt must suffice ow as to punishment, that no one is left of those who offended.
362 DE POZ:NARUM COMMUNICATIONE. [118. II.
istimo, sufficere tibi, ad. ponam quod nemo supersit eorum qui deliquerunt. 2 Probanda igitur Arriani sententia damnantis vindictam anus, Lib. 1r. cap. 14. ubi inducit Alexandrum veteres illas injurias Persarum memorantem. Ex memoriz vitio confudit Auctor Arriani judicium de Persepoli incensa, quod paullo post subjecit, et a prima Editione aberat. J. B. Alexandri in Persas] Propterea aliam ei bello causam attribuit Julianus in Constantii laudatione: καὶ ὅτι μὲν οὐδείς πω πόλεμος συνέστη πρότερον, 91 Alexandri in Persas, cum pridem interiissent qui in Grzecos | peecaverant. De excidio Branchidarum facto per eundem | Li».vi.5 Alexandrum hoc est Curtii judicium: Que si in ipsos prodi-: tionis auctores ewcogitata essent, justa, ultio esse, non cru-, delitas, videretur. Nune culpam majorum posteri luere,: qui ne viderant quidem Miletum, adeo Xerai non potuerant Libii15. prodere. Simile est alio loco Arriani judicium de Persepoli incensa, in ultionem eorum qu: Athenis Persz fecerant: ἀλλ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ σὺν νῷ δράσαι τοῦτό γε ᾿Αλέξαν- (pov, οὐδὲ εἶναί τις αὕτη lleocov τῶν πάλαι τιμωρία" at mihi non videtur hoc. prudenter fecisse Alevander, neque vero lec vera est vindicta 4n eos Persas qui pridem esse desierant. Em 3 Nam Agathoclis illud nemo non ridet, qui ad Ithacende sera num. τες ἘΣ 9 Non damnat hane vindictam Arri- οὐδ᾽ ἐπὶ Τροίαν τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, οὐδ᾽ ἐπὶ τοὺς llépcas Μακεδόσιν, οἵπερ δὴ δο- κοῦσιν ἐν δίκῃ γενέσθαι, τοσαύτην ἔχων ὑπόθεσιν καὶ παιδί που δῆλον. οὐ τῆς μένγε λίαν ἀρχαίων ἀδικημάτων τιμω- ρίας σφόδρα νεωτέρας; οὔτ᾽ εἰς παῖδας οὔτ᾽ eis ἐκγόνους γενομένης, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς τὸν ἀφελόμενον καὶ ἀποστερήσαντα τὴν ἀρ- χὴν τοὺς τῶν εὐδοκησάντων (male legitur ἀδικησάντων) ἀπογόνους" mullum unquam bellum, quod quidem justum cen- 2 We must therefore approve the opinion of Arrian, when he condemns* the revenge of Alexander upon the Persians, since those who had wronged the Greeks were long ago dead. Concerning the destrucetion of the Branchidz by the same Alexander, the judgment of Curtius is similar, that it was mot justice, but cruelty, to punish those who could mot betray Xeraes, and had mever seen Miletus. And of the same kind is the judgment of Arrian respecting the burning of Persepolis, that there was no true punishment in it, since the offending Persians had long ceased to be.
3 Every one sees the absurdity of Agathocles' answer to the complaints of the Ithacans, of damage done by the Sicilians; that the Sicilians had received more damage from Ulysses. And Plutarch, in his book against Herodotus, says, that it is very unlikely thatthe Corinthians * Arrian, Lib. rr. c. 14, does not condemn this plea of Alexander: the author was thinking of Arrian's judgment on the burning of Persepolis, which occurs immediately after in the text, but was not mentioned in the first edition. J.B.
Car. XXI] DE PGINARUM COMMUNICATIONE. 363 sium querelas de damnis illatis respondit, plus mali Siculos ab Ulyxe olim pertulisse. Et Plutarchus libro contra Herodotum, minime ait vero esse simile, Corinthios ulcisci voluisse acceptam a Samiis injuriam μετὰ τρεῖς “γενεὰς, post tres hominum «tates. Nec procedit hujus et similium factorum defensio, quam apud Plutarchum legere est De sera numinis vindicta. Aliud enim est jus Dei, aliud hominum, ut mox apertius fiet. Neque si zquum est posteros honores et premia accipere ob merita majorum, ideo et puniri eos ob eorum peccata squum est. DBeneficii enim talis est materia, ut in quemvis conferri sine injuria possit; pcens non item.
IX. Diximus de modis per quos communitas pon: accidit ex culpze» communitate. Restat spectemus an et, culpa non communicata, communicetur pena: quz res ut recte intelligatur, et ne, quz re ipsa diversa sunt, ob vocum similitudinem confundantur, monenda sunt quzdam.
X. 1 Primum, aliud esse damnum directe datum, aliud