where, if all that are proposed to be excluded are admitted without exception, no practical bad effect can be produced but by a lasting majority of the House. Members might be sent from the Hulks by scores, and yet no lasting mischief done. All the persons put together, whom, for any other cause than want of property, it has ever been proposed to exclude, would, no where, under universality and equality of suffrage, suffice to return so much as a single member to the House. All itineration of voters from polling-place to polling-place, is by this Bill (s. 2.) excluded. This considered, take to this purpose foreigners in amity, even foreigners at enmity, out-laws, bankrupts, insolvents, yes, and peers into the bargain — not by voting do Peers do the mischief that they do — not by voting, but by bribing, and above all by forcing votes, — the truth of the position will not be disproved.
By annoyance to the Members, and thus by disturbance, in an unlimited degree, to the business of the assembly, mischief without bounds might indeed be done: done, by any single member, whether from the Hulks or from the Drawing Room. But, against all such mischief, provision is made in this Bill, more effectual than has ever yet been in the House. See It is for want of considering the subject on a sufficiently large scale, that objections deduced from the unfitness of individuals, without considering whether the number of them could ever swell so as to produce any mischievous effect, have in a case of this sort been considered as applicable.
Exclusion in so far as unnecessary, is by no means innoxious. Out of it grow contestation, litigation, tnis-election, null-election. These are the reasons, and are they not sufficient ones? — for excluding it: yes, exclusion is, in all such cases, fit for nothing but to be excluded.
Look once more to America: to United America. In some of the States the pecuniary qualification exacted is real; in others it is no more than nominal; and, where qualification is but nominal, suffrage is virtually universal. Payment of a tax, which every man is admitted to pay, and which the poorest can afford to pay, is a qualification purely nominal. If, in the admission of universal-sufi'rage-men^ there were any mischief — any so much as the least danger — it could not, in that country, fail to be seen: — seen, by the difterence in point of social order and prosperity, between those States in which the pecuniary qualification is highest, and those in which it amounts to nothing. In Pennsylvania it amounts to nothing. Number of free Inhabitants, of all conditions, ages, and sexes, 800,000: number of Voters at a late election, 108,000. These numbers were lately given me, by an authority above dispute. Pennsylvania is of all the States among the most flourishing and the most orderly, if in this respect there be any difi"erence.
Under Radicalism, all property, it is said, would be destroyed. So says Mr. Deputy Jacks:* all property destroyed, the Monarchy and the Aristocracy notwithstanding.— Mr. Deputy Jacks — has he ever heard of such a place as Pennsylvania? In Pennsylvania, • Morning Chronicle, 10th September, 1819.
for these forty years, radicalism has been supreme: radicalism without Monarchy or Aristocracy: radicaHsm without control, and not any the slightest shock has property there ever received.
Property, it is continually said, is the only bond and pledge of attachment to Country. — Not it indeed. Want of property is a much stronger one. He who has property can change the shape of it, and carry it with him to another Country, whenever he pleases. He who has no property can do no such thing. In the eyes of those who live by the labour of others, the existence of those by whose labour they live, is indeed of no value: not so in the eyes of the labourers themselves. Life is not worth more to yawners than to labourers: and their own Country is the only Country in which they can so much as hope to live. Among a hundred of them not ten exceptions to this will you find.
Now as to the qualification by reading. — At first blush, it seems to involve exclusion: — it does no such thing in effect. From two to three months social pastime, at ihe hours of repose from work, would give it to all adults in whose eyes the privilege were worth that price: and he, in whose eyes it were not worth that price, could not, with much justice, complain at the not having it. Qualification by Householdership does involve exclusion: for it is not in every man's power to pay rent and taxes for a House. Householdership is evidence of property: it is for this cause that it is required by those who stipulate for it. Qualification by payment of taxes — that too involves exclusion: if by payment of taxes be meant that which is any thing to the purpose. Qualification by payment to indirect taxes, if those be the taxes meant, is universality of suffrage: for where is the human being that pays not to taxes on consumption? to the taxes called indirect taxes? — Payment to direct taxes — to assessed taxes for example, is Householdership under another name. Qualification by reading involves no exclusion: for every man who chose could give it to himself. He could do so, before a Bill such as this could go through the forms, even supposing Honourable House ever so well disposed to it.
An Elector is a trustee: a trustee ought not to be unfit for his trust.
It is to reading that the people owe all their strength: that strength at which, even thus early, tyrants tremble.
in. By equality of suffrage, is meant equality of effect and value, as between the suffrage of one man and the suffrage of another. The greater the number of the votes to each seat, the smaller is the effect of each vote.
1. Of practicable equality, as between District and District, the principal use is to secure, even in the least populous District, a number of votes sufficient to render bribery, and corruption in other shapes, impracticable: and, upon this plan, such will be the number, if the utmost inequality, as between the number of votes to one Seat and that to another, is confined within the limits here proposed. See s. 1.
What should never be out of mind is — that without the reduction universally made in the marketable value of votes by this equality as between suffrage and suffrage, without the reduction made, in the value of a seat, by annuality of suffrage, — without the defalcation made, from the effective force of corruption, by the greatest practicable reduction made by the exclusion of placemen, in the quantity of money and money's worth applicable to the purpose of corruption, — without these aids, secrecy of suffrage would not suffice to insure exclusion of effective corruption: for, to an extent more or less considerable — without discoverable and punishable bribery, — money, money's worth, or benefits in various other shapes, might be made receivable by a voter, in the event of the success of this or that Candidate, and not otherwise: and thus, without hazard of prosecution, the ends of bribery might be obtained. Still, so long as the majority of the Members are not kept in a constant state of sinister obsequiousness by the Monarch or the Minister, corruption among the voters to this or that seat — nay even corruption on the seats themselves — is but an evil in tendency, not a sensible one.
2. In the case of the Country seats — from inequality of suffrage, that is to say from inequality of distance, from the polling place, as between some residences and others — comes inordinate distance in the case of the largest Polling Districts: thence, either undue exclusion, or unduly oppressive burthen by expense andlossof time, in journeys to and fro, and demurrage.
3. Supposing inequality between District and District so great, as to afford a ground for tlie supposition of partiality on the part of the carvers, here would be a sense of injustice. Evil in this shape, the provision made in s. I. will, it is hoped, be found effectually to exclude. Suppose for instance that, by local circumstances, reason should be afforded for allotting to this or that Election District not more than half the average number of votes; to this or that other not fewer than double the average number. By inequality to no greater amount than this, supposing good local grounds assigned, no considerable cause for suspicion would, it is believed, be produced.
IV. Of annualltii of suffrage^ the main uses seem to be as follows — 1. The faculty of divesting of their power all unfit Representatives, before they have had time to produce any lasting mischief.
•2. The keeping them out of the way of temptation, by rendering their breach of trust not worth purchasing by the Corrupter General, at any price for which it would be worth the while of a man in their situation to sacrifice his good name.
To this frequency of recurrence, objections have been made. — One is composed of the proportionably frequent repetition of the Election evils. But those evils arise solely out of the existing system, and they will be seen to be completely excluded by the system here proposed. At present they are carefully preserved, or even increased: — increased to the utmost, by the rich and worthless, in order to keep off all Competitors that would be fitter men than themselves.
3. Another objection is — that under annuality of suffrage the change of hands would not in fact be so frequent as they now are under septennial ity. Reelection (it is said) would grow into a habit, and IS there would be no particular time for breaking it. The answer is — change, oftener than once in seven years, would not then be, as it is now, impossible: impossible, how strong soever the reason for it maybe: unless indeed it should happen to be regarded as called for by the particular interest of the Monarch and the Minister, and then it may be made with every imaginable degree of frequency. Under annuality^ — with the degree of frequency thus expressed the change will actually take place, as often as, in the judgment of the only persons who have before them the means of judging right, there is a sufficient reason for it. Rendering a thing impossible, is but an aukward contrivance for rendering it more frequent. Means more refined could scarcely be found: means more effectual could, without much difficulty.
4. Another objection is — that under annuality there would not be time enough for going through a business of any considerable length by the same hands. The short answer is — that if fit for the business, the same hands will be continued: if not fit, the sooner they give place to such as are fit, the better.
Under the existing system, interruption of all business that, by being beneficial to the universal interest, would be prejudicial to the separate and sinister interest of the ruling few, does, and to an enormous degree, constantly take place; and so long as the existing system continues, the evil thus produced by it will continue: interruption, and not only that, but what is so much worse, prevention. [See Pari. Reu form Cat. sect. 14.] Under the proposed system it would not take place. [See this Bill, sect. 12.] Oq the other hand, no business, that is brought on in pursuance of the sinister interest of the rulers, ever can suffer interruption: for theirs is the choice of times. Time there always is for depredation and oppression: time there never is for remedy against either. Just so as at Manchester: time there was enough for killing or hacking men, women, and children: no time for receiving proof of it. Methods there are, and most effectual ones, for keeping off whatever it is that Right Honourable Gentlemen choose to keep off j and this without so much as the trouble of a debate.
For hundreds of years, in times of the greatest prosperity — of as great prosperity as the ferocity, the ignorance, and the superstitions of the times admitted of — suffrages were given, and Representatives renewed, not only annually, but oftener: the result, much good, no preponderant evil assigned or assignable. If Lord Holland will indemnify the Bookseller, the proof shall be printed at large, from the Records. A careful and honest hand I know of, has made large progress in the collection of it. How happy would his Lordship be to find that, as to this matter, he has been under mistake: how prompt to declare it I The States, in the North American Union, are by this time 22: and in every one of them suffrage is annual 5 one excepted, in which it is or was halfyearly. In the Congress alone it is biennial: in this case manifestly by reason of the length of journeys between the place of meeting and some of the States. From the frequency in question, no inconvenience was ever so much as alleged. But, to eyes determinately shut, nothing is ever visible. Annuality is incompatible, it is said, with any Government: so say Whigs and Tories: yet, in United America, Government, is in a better state than in England: even Whigs may be seen declaring this.
In Republican America there are no dungeoning Acts, no gagging Acts, no Riot Acts: accordingly there are no riots. In Republican America, there is no punishment for free inquiry, on pretence of punishing seditious meetings and blasphemy. There is, therefore, no sedition there: and there is more religion than in England.
The English Constitution has its good points, and it has its bad points. The good points are — those which have been preserved in America with improvement and increase. The bad points are — those which it has in common with Turkey, with Russia, with Spain, with Austria, with Prussia; with that Country from which the Guelphs came, and to which they may perhaps return. The bad points cannot very easily be defended one by one: they may with perfect ease be defended all together: and this is what is always done, although not always meant, as often as a man joins in the parrot cry of Constitution! Glorious Constitution! Matchless Constitution. Those, whose sinister interest attaches them to the bad points, call, of course, for our attachment to the whole. And thus it is that, in the name of loyalty y our attachment is called for to whatever is most mischievous and vile.
A work is in the press, from which a judgment may in some measure be formed, whether, among so many seats of misrule as there are in Germany, there is any other State, in which it is carried so near to perfection as in Hanover: whether the scraps of hberty which had been left by the Bonapartes, have not already been destroyed there under the Guelphs. In what is there effected^ read what is here intended. The principles of Charles the First were read in the Sermons of Doctors Sibthorpe and Man waring, and in the judgments and opinions of the Judges of that time: the principles of George the Fourth may be read in the Sermons of the Courier, and in the charges of Lord Chief Justice-any-body.
Secrecy, universality, equality, and annuality — behold in them the four cardinal points of the constitutional compass: Secrecy is the polar star.
Without secrecy of suffrage, universality, equality, and annuality, all together would be worse than nothing. Even without universality, without equality, without annuality, secrecy would of itself do much: nor against it, even by those who suffered most by it, could so much as a shadow of objection be raised. Secrecy would be a strong pledge for complete Reform, and of itself no inconsiderable step to it. It would of itself be a great part of the Reform, and might engage men to wait with thankfulness and patience for the rest. In what multitudes would the galling chains of terrorism be broken by it 1 AVhat a downfal to the White slave trade! What a body of private prudence rescued from oppression! What a body of genuine patriotism rescued from self-sacrifice! Mr. Brougham would second the motion, or a laugh would run through Westmoreland as often as his eloquence ventured to indulge itself in a complaint of Lowther influence.
All cry of danger — danger to property — would here be without pretext. If in radicalism there were any real danger, it might be excluded by graduality. Yes, by graduality. But by what graduality? Not assuredly by that which Lord Erskine, and his clients, have so plainly shewn they mean — a gradual progress in doing nothing. No: but a gradual introduction of members really chosen by those by whom they pretend to be chosen: — really chosen by those whose interest is the universal interest. The proportion — say a fourth at a time; say a fifth; say a sixth. France, which under its newly simplified and improved mode of Election lets in a fifth at a time, has in that particular shewn us an example. I mention this — not as necessary — not as eligible — but as that which a Whig, if there were any sincerity in him, could not object to.
Against radicalism, where any thing better than bellowing or barking has been brought forward, it has been in the shape of a prediction of the destruction of property, as a result to be apprehended. Whether for this apprehension there be any substantial ground, may be seen in a paper, with which this will ere long be followed, under the title of RA-DICALISM NOT DANGEROUS.
I TITLE OF THE PROPOSED ACT.
** Parliamentary Reform Act: being an Act for the more adequate Representation of the People in the Commons^ House of Parliament y TITLES OF THE SECTIONS.
Section Page 1. Seats and Districts,. 2 2. Electors, who, S 3. Eligible, who, 7 4. Election Offices, 9 5. Election Apparatus, 13 6. Promulgation of Recommendations in favour of proposed Members, 19 7. Voters' titles, how pre-established, 23 8. Election, how, 28 9. Election Districts and Polling Districts, how marked 11. Members' continuance, 47 12. Vacancies, supplied, 48 13. Security for the House against disturbance by Mem- 14. Indisposition of Speakers obviated, 50 Appendix, including General Explanations...75 D 2 § 1. Seats and Districts, Preamble. — By the King,* wilh the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Commons in Parliament assembled; for the more adequate representation of the People in the Commons' House, it is thus enacted: Section 1. SEATS AND DISTRICTS.
Art. 1. This Act has for its main subjects the matters following; namely, I. The number of Seats in the Commons' House, and of the Districts by which they are to be filled. See Articles 2, 3, 4, II. The description of the Electors, by whose votes these several seats are to be tilled: say Electors, who; see Section 2. See also Section 5. Election Apparatus; Section 7 • Voters' titles, how pre-established; Sections. Election, how; Section 10. Votemaking habitations, how defined.
HI. The description of the persons, who shall be capable of filling those several seats as Members: say Eligible, who; Section 3. See also Section 6. Promulgation of recommendations in favour of proposed Members.
IV. The process by which those seats shall be filled: say Election, how; see Section 8. See also Section 4. Election Offices; Sections. Election Apparatus; Section 7. Voters' titles, ^c.
V. The timCy during which the Members shall, without fresh Election, continue in their seats: say Members' continuance; see Section 1 1..See also Section 12. Vacancies, how filled; Section 13. Security for the House against disturbance by Members.
Art. 2. The number of Seats shall be, as at present, six hundred and fifty-eight.
Art. 3. For determining what persons are to be Electors, the whole surface of the United Kingdom shall be divided into Election Districts, the same in number as the Seats. See Section 9.
* Note I.
Art. 4. In and for each Election District, one Member;, and no more, shall be elected.
Art. 5. Ill respect of quantity of population, the Election Districts shall be as nearly equal to one another, as convenience, in respect of local circumstances, will permit.
In no district shall the number of Electors be less than [half] * the average magnitude: in no district more than [double].
But, unless for special cause assigned, no purposed departure from the average shall be made.
In quantity of population being thus nearly equal, in extent the districts will consequently be proportionably different. See Section 9- Art, 6. For saving of delay, vexation, and expense in journeys, and inconvenience by thronging at the place of polling, any Election District may be divided into Polling Districts, called also Sub-districts.
In each Sub-district, the Votes belonging to that Sub-district shall be received, and thence transmitted to the Office of the Election District. See Section 8.
Section 2. ELECTORS, WHO.
Art. 1. Saving as per Article 6, Every male person, in whose favour a written instrument, in the form in Article 4 described, by the name of a Fote-making Certificate, shall, by the persons therein described, have been signed in manner therein mentioned, — shall, in and for the Election District, to which, according to the description given in Sections 9 and 10, he appertains, be entitled to deliver his vote, as per Section 9^ at the Election of a Representative of the People for that same District.
Art. 2. To be valid, such Vote-making Certificate must be signed by three persons, styled Vote-makers, * Note II.
Art. 3. No person can be a Vote-maker, unless he or she has been a Householder, occupier of a Household within the Election District in question, for and during at least [twenty-six weeks] next before the day on which the Certificate is signed.
For the arrangements, established for determining what Habitation shall to this purpose be deemed a Household, see Section 10.
Art. 4. Here follows the Form of a Vote-making Certificate:* Election District [ ].
Polling District [ ].
This is a Vote-mzMmg Certificate, made to serve for the ensuing Parliament, which is to meet on the 1st day of January in the year 1822.
The day on which it is made is the [ ] of [ ] [1821].
The person to whom it is to give a Vote is [ ].
The persons, by whose declaration, as hereinafter expressed, this Certificate, and thereby the Vote, are given, are we, whose names and descriptions are here, by our several hands respectively, immediately underwritten, in the alphabetical order of our surnames; to wit That which we hereby certify is, that, according to the several true declarations following, as contained in the nine numbered paragraphs following, he the said [ ] i* entitled to give a Vote, in the Polling District above mentioned, on the Election of a Member to serve for the Election District above mentioned, in the above-mentioned ensuing Parliament.
" I. At the House of [ ] above written, on the day above written, on or about [ ] of the clock in the [ ] we, whose names and descriptions are above written, did write them: to wit, each of us his own name * See this form filled up, Note III.
and description, in the sight, and at the same time in the hearing, of the two others.
" If. In our sight and hearing is now present the abovementioned [ ]. His name and description, his name being herein and now immediately written by his own hand, here follows, to wit [ ] Inmate in the Household whereof the above-mentioned [ ] is Householder.
" in. He declares to us, that in the above-mentioned Household, to wit, [ ], for upwards of \_fouf\ weeks together, ending with the commencement of this day, he has been \an Inmate]. It is our belief, that this his declaration is true.
" IV. He declares to us, that he is upwards of %\ years of age. It is our belief, that this his declaration is true.
" V. In the sight and hearing of all of us together, he has read aloud the whole of the printed part of this certificate.
" VI. Also, divers lines, pitched upon by us at random, in the act of parliament, by which this Certificate is required.
" VII. It is the sincere belief of every one of us, that the lines so pitched upon by us were really read by him, and that they had not, any of them, been committed by him to memory, for the purpose of their falsely appearing to be read. They were not, in any part, repeated by him from the moulh of any other person.
" VIII. From the manner of his reading, as above, we do believe him capable of reading any portion of the ' New Testament,' as printed in the English language.
" IX. He has, in like manner, in our presence, signed the declaration following. * I do hereby, seriously, deliberately, and solemnly, declare and promise to my fellow-countrymen, as follows: — Declakation.
* 1. When, at the approaching Election, hy means of this Certificate, I have given my vote, I never will declare, nor otherwise endeavour to make known, to any person whatsoever ^ directly or indirectly, either for or against, what proposed Member such my vote was given.
*■ 2. Should any question be ever put to me, any one word said to me, or any sign made to me, having for its object the causing me so to make known my vote; every such question, word or sign, I shall consider, as the luzo considers it, as an attempt at oppression.
' I do hereby declare, that wider the sense of such oppression, no more reliance ought to be placed on any thing I say, than if the same were addressed by me, to a robber, or to a person insane, for the purpose of saving, from immediate destruction, my own life, or that of some person dear to me. Witness my hand.
Art. 5. Here follow the Instructions, as to the mode of obtaining and making use of this blank Certificate: — Of this Certificate, in its blank state, two copies are delivered at the same time, from the Polling Office of the Polling District at which the vote is to be given, to or to the use of, the proposed voter. When filled up, they are, by him or some person on his behalf, presented at the Office.
At the Office, one of them, if found correctly filled up, is delivered back, to the end that, at polling time, it may, on being presented by him, procure him admission to the place where he is to deliver his vote. The other is left at the office. They are lo be filled up, each of them in the same words.
For issuing out blank Certificates, and receiving them when filled up, the hours of attendance at the Office are — in the forenoon from [ ] to [ ]; and in the afternoon from [ ] to [ ].
Art. G. No person, who, during the whole or any part of the time of his residence in any such Household as aforesaid, shall have been cither Officer or Private, in any branch of his Majesty's military service, by land or water, in such sort as to be subject to martial law, — shall, in respect of such residence, be entitled to a vote, unless during the whole of such time he shall have been the Householder thereof: uor accordingly shall any votemaking certificate in his favour be received at the Polling Office, unless, in the appointed place, the word* llomeholder is inserted.
Section 3. ELIGIBLE, WHO.
Art. 1. For the filling of a seat in the Commons' House, a man may be proposed, either with or without his own concurrence: If with his own concurrence, he is a Candidate, In either case, he is a Proposed Member.
Art. 2. To qualify a man to be so elected, two requisites are necessary: I. A Recommendatory Certijicate, otherwise styled a Cer^ tjficate of appropriate aptitude, as per Article 3.
II. Payment, by him or to his behoof, of coin made of a certain sum of money, under the name oi indemnification money, towards ihe defraying of the Election expenses.
The sum appointed is [one hundred and twenty pounds].
Art. 3. Here follows the Form of such a Certificate of appropriate aptitude: " District of [ ] [year, month, and day.]
" 1. We the undersigned, do hereby recommend A. C. [Here describe his condition in life and abode] as a person fit to serve, as a Representative of the people of Great Britain and Ireland^ in the Commons' House.
" II. In our consciences we sincerely believe, that in all the several points of appropriate aptitude taken together, viz. appropriate probity, appropriate intellectual aptitude, and appropriate active talentf^ he is either more fit than, or at least as fit as, any other person, who being willing to serve, can entertain any reasonable expectation of being elected in and for this District.
" lit. For any thing that we know or believe to the contrary, he would, if elected, be willing to serve."
* Note IV. t Note V.
N. B. 1. To render this Certificate valid, the concurrence of Six Recommenders is necessary.
Any number of names greater than twelve is not admissible.
All, if any, that follow the twelve first written, are to be struck out by the Officer to whom the instrument is delivered.
N. B. 2. Each Recommender must, for one year at least, ending zcith the day of his signature, have been an Inhabitant within the Election District.
So, at the end of his signature, he must declare.
N. B. S. Of this Certificate there must be three Copies, all signed by the several Recommenders.
Of these Copies, one may be taken back by the person who delivered them.
The two others remain for that time in the office.
Tlie following are the names, conditions in life, and abodes of the Recommenders, in their several handwritings: — [ Art. 4. [ ] Days before the day for the delivery of a defnitive Recommendatory Certificate, proposed Recommendatory Certificates, in favour of the same proposed Member, may be delivered in by so many sets of Recommenders, in any number.
If more than one are delivered, the person so recommended, or his authorized Agent, may, by writing his own name or the first letters thereof, at the end of each name, select out of them the requisite number of names: and the persons, whose names they are, are the Co-Certifiers in the definitive Recommendatory Certificate.
If no such selection be made, the proposed Certificate first delivered in, is the Definitive Certificate.
For this purpose, entry of the day, month, hour, and minute of delivery, shall be made by the Clerk, on the face of the instrument.
So also, in the Books of the Office, in the Journal of that day.
Art. 5. [ ] Days before the Election Da}', the several definitive Recommeadatory Certificates shall have been delivered in at the District Election office: after that time, unless for remedy to neglect, wilful or casftal, at the Office, no such Certificate shall be received.
At the time of the delivery of the Certificate, the Indemnification money shall be paid.
A receipt, dated and signed by the Clerk, shall be given at well for the money, as for the Certificate.* Section 4. ELECTION OFFICES.
Art. 1. For conducting the business of Elections, by Sub-District Clerks and District Clerks, under the direction of an Election-Master-General, the following Offices are hereby ordained.
Art. 2. In every Election Sub-District, there shall be a Polling Office.
Therein are delivered in, one by one, the votes appertaining to the same Sub- District.
Of the Office-bearer, the official name is — Clerk of the Election Sub-District Office, or Polling Office, Clerk of the Polls, or Poll-Clerk in and for that Sub-District. For his functions, see Sections 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10.
Art. 3. In every Election District, there shall be a District Election Office.
Therein, from each Polling Office within the District, is delivered in the accounts of the numbers of the votes therein given for the several proposed members. Of the Office-bearer, the official name is — Clerk of the Election District Office, or Election Clerk in and for that District. For his functions, see Sec- Art. 4. The Election Office of the District may be under the same roof with the Polling Office of any Sub-District.
* Note VL JO § 4. Election Offices, The conduct of the business may be in the hands of the same person. * Art. 5. An office, under the name of the 'National Election Office, shall be attached to the House of Commons.
Of the Office-bearer, the official name is — Master of the Ncrtionul Election Office, or Election-Master -General f or Election Master, f His functions are as follows: — I. To issue out Election Writs for the receipt of votes.
II. To receive the returns made in obedience to such Writs.
III. To direct and superintend the conduct of all persons in the offices of Polling District and District Clerks.
Art. 6. The Election-Master-General is to be appointed by the Crown, at the recommendation of the Keeper of the Great Seal.
He will be at pleasure removable by the Speaker of the House of Commons.
Art. 7 The Election-Master-General appoints the several District Election Clerks, and the several Poll Clerks, For special cause assigned, he has power to remove at any time any District Election Clerk, any Polling Clerk, or any of their respective Deputies or Assistants.
Of his order for this purpose, an attested copy shall, on the day on which the original is transmitted, be delivered in at the Office of the Speaker of the House of Commons.
Art. 8. By death, or sudden indisposition of Office-bearers, the business might, but for due provision, be delayed or frustrated: so likewise by unexpected increase in quantity in some parts of the business: for remedy it is thus ordained.
In every Sub- District, the Poll Clerk has power to appoint, and revoke at pleasure, a Deputy.
Every such Deputy, as well as his principal, has power to appoint any number of Assistants: their powers, subject to his authority, are the same as his.
• Note VII. t Note VIII.
Except in case of special exception, every provision, in which mention is made of the Principal, shall be understood to extend to his Deputies and his and their Assistants.
The person appointing is, in each case, responsible for the conduct of the person whom he appoints.
Art. 9. In the case of a District Office, like power and responsibility, as per Art. 8. for providing eventual deputies and assistants.