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Reflections on the Revolution in France

Edmund Burke

Language:
English
Status:
Complete work
Authorship:
Written by the author
Condition of the text:
No scanning noise detected (automatic measure over the whole text, not checked by hand)
Extent:
~130,000 words · 611 passages
Cite this work
  • APAEdmund Burke. (n.d.). Reflections on the Revolution in France. Digital reproduction: SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/en/works/edmund-burke/reflections-on-the-revolution-in-france
  • MLAEdmund Burke. Reflections on the Revolution in France. Digital reproduction, SigPhi, https://sigphiai.com/en/works/edmund-burke/reflections-on-the-revolution-in-france.
  • ChicagoEdmund Burke. Reflections on the Revolution in France. Digital reproduction, SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/en/works/edmund-burke/reflections-on-the-revolution-in-france.

Reference to the edition that SigPhi reproduces: SigPhi is its digital reproduction, not its publisher. The edition's year is not in the metadata (hence "n.d."), and the translator appears only when recorded.

What it is about

Burke's criticism of the French Revolution, written in 1790, before the Terror had begun: the founding text of modern conservatism.

Context and history

It takes the form of a letter to a young Frenchman. The underlying argument is not that monarchy is sacred, but that a society is a fabric of habits, loyalties and institutions that nobody designed and that nobody can remake from scratch on a rational plan without destroying it. Hence his distrust of abstract 'rights of man' as against the concrete rights a tradition has won over time. He predicted the Revolution would end in some general commanding everything. Paine answered him with 'Rights of Man' and Wollstonecraft with 'A Vindication of the Rights of Men'; all three works are in the corpus and repay reading together.

Editorial context, not a citable source: unlike the passages of the work itself, these statements cannot be checked against the corpus.

How it begins
satiated with the uniform round of its vapid dissipations. I should only stipulate that these new Mess-Johns in robes and coronets should keep some sort of hounds iii the democratic and levelling principles which are expected from their titled pulpits. The new evangelists will. I dare say, disappoint the hopes that are conceived of them. They will not become, literally as well as figuratively, polemic divines, nor be disposed so to drill their congregations that they may, as in former blessed times, preach their doctrines to regiments of dragoons, and corps of infantry and artillery. Such arrangements, however favourable to the cause of compulsory freedom, civil and religious, may not be equally conducive to the national tranquillity. These few restrictions I hope are no irreat stretches of intole ranee, no very violent exertions of despotism. Hut I may say of our preacher, " utinam nugxs tota ilia dedisset tempora scpvitiw." — All things in this his fulminating bull are not of so innoxious a tendency. His doctrines affect our constitution in its vital parts. He tells the Revolution Society, in this political sermon, that his majesty " is almost the only lawful king in the world, because the only one who owes his crown to the choice of his people?' As to the kings of the world, all of whom (except one) this archpontiff of the rights of men, with all the plenitude, and with more than the boldness of the papal deposing power in its meridian fervour of the twelfth century, puts into one sweeping clause of ban and anathema, and proclaims usurpers by circles of longitude and latitude, over the whole globe, it behoves them to consider how they admit into their territories these apostolic missionaries, who are to tell their subjects they are not lawful kings. That is their concern.…

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