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Feuerbach The roots of the socialist philosophy

Friedrich Engels

Language:
English
Status:
Complete work
Authorship:
Written by the author
Condition of the text:
No scanning noise detected (automatic measure over the whole text, not checked by hand)
Extent:
~25,100 words · 119 passages
Cite this work
  • APAFriedrich Engels. (n.d.). Feuerbach The roots of the socialist philosophy. Digital reproduction: SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/en/works/friedrich-engels/feuerbach-the-roots-of-the-socialist-philosophy
  • MLAFriedrich Engels. Feuerbach The roots of the socialist philosophy. Digital reproduction, SigPhi, https://sigphiai.com/en/works/friedrich-engels/feuerbach-the-roots-of-the-socialist-philosophy.
  • ChicagoFriedrich Engels. Feuerbach The roots of the socialist philosophy. Digital reproduction, SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/en/works/friedrich-engels/feuerbach-the-roots-of-the-socialist-philosophy.

Reference to the edition that SigPhi reproduces: SigPhi is its digital reproduction, not its publisher. The edition's year is not in the metadata (hence "n.d."), and the translator appears only when recorded.

What it is about

Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German Philosophy (1886).

Context and history

Engels, late in life, explains where he and Marx came from: from Hegel, by way of Feuerbach, turning both upside down. It is the text that fixes the formula of dialectical materialism, with everything that followed from it. An English translation. Engels's German original is not in the catalogue.

Editorial context, not a citable source: unlike the passages of the work itself, these statements cannot be checked against the corpus.

How it begins
Just as in France in the eighteenth, so in Germany in the nineteenth century, revolutionary philosophic conceptions introduced a breaking up of existing political conditions. But how different the two appear! The French were engaged in open fight with all recognized science, with the Church, frequently also with the State, their writings were published beyond the frontiers in Holland or in England, and they themselves were frequently imprisoned in the Bastile. The Germans, on the contrary, were professors, appointed instructors of youth by the State, their writings, recognized text-books, and their definite system of universal progress, the Hegelian, raised, as it were, to the rank of a royal Prussian philosophy of government. And behind these professors, behind their pedantically obscure utterances, in their heavy wearisome periods, was it possible that the revolution could conceal itself? Were not just the people who were looked upon at that time as the leaders of the revolution, the Liberals, the bitterest opponents of the brain-turning philosophy? But what neither the Governmentalists nor the Liberals saw, that saw, at least one man, and that man was Heinrich Heine. Let us take an example. No philosophic statement has so invited the thanks of narrow-minded governments and the anger of the equally narrow

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