Landmarks of Scientific Socialism Anti-Duehring
- Language:
- English
- Status:
- Complete work
- Authorship:
- Written by the author
- Condition of the text:
- No scanning noise detected (automatic measure over the whole text, not checked by hand)
- Extent:
- ~76,600 words · 364 passages
Cite this work
- APAFriedrich Engels. (n.d.). Landmarks of Scientific Socialism Anti-Duehring. Digital reproduction: SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/en/works/friedrich-engels/landmarks-of-scientific-socialism-anti-duehring
- MLAFriedrich Engels. Landmarks of Scientific Socialism Anti-Duehring. Digital reproduction, SigPhi, https://sigphiai.com/en/works/friedrich-engels/landmarks-of-scientific-socialism-anti-duehring.
- ChicagoFriedrich Engels. Landmarks of Scientific Socialism Anti-Duehring. Digital reproduction, SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/en/works/friedrich-engels/landmarks-of-scientific-socialism-anti-duehring.
Reference to the edition that SigPhi reproduces: SigPhi is its digital reproduction, not its publisher. The edition's year is not in the metadata (hence "n.d."), and the translator appears only when recorded.
What it is about
Anti-Dühring (1878): the answer to Eugen Dühring, and along the way the whole system.
Context and history
Engels set out to refute a Berlin professor and ended up writing the only complete exposition of Marxism as philosophy, economics and socialism at once. For decades it was where people actually learned Marxism, far more than Capital. An English translation. Engels's German original is not in the catalogue.
Editorial context, not a citable source: unlike the passages of the work itself, these statements cannot be checked against the corpus.
equality before the law, that when the rights of man were proclaimed bourgeois rights of property were proclaimed at one and the same time, and that the state of reason, Rousseau's Social Contract, could only come into existence as the bourgeois democratic republic. To such a slight extent could the great thinkers of the eighteenth century, just as their predecessors, prevail over the limits which their own epoch had placed upon them. But besides the antagonism between feudal baron and bourgeois there existed the general antagonism between the robbers and the robbed, between the rich idlers and the toiling poor. It was just this antagonism which made it possible for the leaders of the bourgeoisie to pose as the representatives not merely of a special class but of the whole of suffering humanity. Furthermore the bourgeoisie was saddled with an antithesis right from the start. Capitalists cannot exist without laborers, and, in proportion, as the members of the gilds in the Middle Ages developed into the modern bourgeois, the journeymen of the gilds and the day laborers, on their part, developed into the proletariat. And though the bourgeois, as a general rule, might claim to represent also the interests of the different working classes of the period, still, independent movements of the latter classes broke out in connection with each great movement on the part of the bourgeoisie; such working classes being the more or less developed predecessors of the modern proletariat. Thus there came into being at the time of the German Reformation and the Peasant War the party of Thomas Munzer, in the great English Revolution the Levellers, and in the great French Revolution, Baboeuf. Besides these revolutionary demonstrations of a class still undeveloped, occurred certain theoretical manifestations of a corresponding nature.…
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