Socialism, Utopian and Scientific
- Language:
- English
- Status:
- Complete work
- Authorship:
- Written by the author
- Condition of the text:
- No scanning noise detected (automatic measure over the whole text, not checked by hand)
- Extent:
- ~28,000 words · 133 passages
Cite this work
- APAFriedrich Engels. (n.d.). Socialism, Utopian and Scientific. Digital reproduction: SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/en/works/friedrich-engels/socialism-utopian-and-scientific
- MLAFriedrich Engels. Socialism, Utopian and Scientific. Digital reproduction, SigPhi, https://sigphiai.com/en/works/friedrich-engels/socialism-utopian-and-scientific.
- ChicagoFriedrich Engels. Socialism, Utopian and Scientific. Digital reproduction, SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/en/works/friedrich-engels/socialism-utopian-and-scientific.
Reference to the edition that SigPhi reproduces: SigPhi is its digital reproduction, not its publisher. The edition's year is not in the metadata (hence "n.d."), and the translator appears only when recorded.
What it is about
Socialism: Utopian and Scientific (1880).
Context and history
Three chapters of Anti-Dühring that Engels pulled out separately at Lafargue's request, and that became the European labour movement's book of first instruction. Marx called it 'an introduction to scientific socialism'; it was translated into ten languages within a few years. An English translation. Engels's German original is not in the catalogue.
Editorial context, not a citable source: unlike the passages of the work itself, these statements cannot be checked against the corpus.
to become what Louis Philippe in France became at a much later period, "the first bourgeois of the kingdom." Fortunately for England, the old feudal barons had killed one another during the Wars of the Roses. Their successors, though mostly scions of the old families, had been so much out of the direct line of descent that they constituted quite a new body, with habits and tendencies far more bourgeois than feudal. They fully understood the value of money, and at once began to increase their rents by turning hundreds of small farmers out and replacing them by sheep. Henry VIII., while squandering the Church lands, created fresh bourgeois landlords by wholesale; the innumerable confiscations of estates, regranted to absolute or relative upstarts, and continued during the whole of the seventeenth century, had the same result. Consequently, ever since Henry VII., the English "aristocracy," far from counteracting the development of industrial production, had, on the contrary, sought to indirectly profit thereby; and there had always been a section of the great landowners willing, from economical or political reasons, to co-operate with the leading men of the financial and industrial bourgeoisie. The compromise of 1689 was, therefore, easily accomplished. The political spoils of "pelf and place" were left to the great land-owning families, provided the economic interests of the financial, manufacturing, and commercial middle-class were sufficiently attended to. And these economic interests were at that time powerful enough to determine the general policy of the nation. There might be squabbles about matters of detail, but, on the whole, the aristocratic oligarchy knew too well that its own economic prosperity was irretrievably bound up with that of the industrial and commercial middle-class. From that time, the bourgeoisie was a humble, but still a recognized component of the ruling classes of England.…
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