The public and its problems
- Language:
- English
- Status:
- Complete work
- Authorship:
- Written by the author
- Condition of the text:
- No scanning noise detected (automatic measure over the whole text, not checked by hand)
- Extent:
- ~60,000 words · 285 passages
Cite this work
- APAJohn Dewey. (n.d.). The public and its problems. Digital reproduction: SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/en/works/john-dewey/the-public-and-its-problems
- MLAJohn Dewey. The public and its problems. Digital reproduction, SigPhi, https://sigphiai.com/en/works/john-dewey/the-public-and-its-problems.
- ChicagoJohn Dewey. The public and its problems. Digital reproduction, SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/en/works/john-dewey/the-public-and-its-problems.
Reference to the edition that SigPhi reproduces: SigPhi is its digital reproduction, not its publisher. The edition's year is not in the metadata (hence "n.d."), and the translator appears only when recorded.
What it is about
The Public and its Problems (1927): Dewey's answer to those who said democracy is impossible because citizens do not know enough.
Context and history
His debate with Walter Lippmann, and the most important work of political theory he wrote. His answer — that the public does not exist by nature but has to be constituted, and that this is what communication does — is more argued over now than ever.
Editorial context, not a citable source: unlike the passages of the work itself, these statements cannot be checked against the corpus.
on one hand and uncontrolled speculation on the other. The choice is between blind, unreasoned attack and defense on the one hand, and discriminating criticism employing intelligent method and a conscious criterion on the other. The prestige of the mathematical and physical sciences is great, and properly so. But the difference between facts which are what they are independent of human desire and endeavor and facts which are to some extent what they are because of human interest and purpose, and which alter with alteration in the latter, cannot be got rid of by any methodology. The more sincerely we appeal to facts, the greater is the importance of the distinction between facts which condition human activity and facts which are conditioned by human activity. In the degree which we ignore this difference, social science becomes pseudo-science. Jeffersonian and Hamiltonian political ideas are not merely theories dwelling in the human mind remote from facts of American political behavior. They are expressions of chosen phases and factors among those facts, but they are also something more: namely, forces which have shaped those facts and which are still contending to shape them in the future this way and that. There is more than a speculative difference between a theory of the state which regards it as an instrument in protecting individuals in the rights they already have, and one which conceives its function to be the effecting of a more equitable distribution of rights among individuals. For the theories are held and applied by legislators in congress and by judges on the bench and make a difference in the subsequent facts themselves. I make no doubt that the practical influence of the political philosophies of Aristotle, the Stoics, St. Thomas, Locke, Rousseau, Kant and Hegel has often been exaggerated in comparison with the influence of circumstances.…
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