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Resistance to Civil Government (Civil Disobedience)

Henry David Thoreau

Language:
English
Status:
Complete work
Authorship:
Written by the author
Condition of the text:
No scanning noise detected (automatic measure over the whole text, not checked by hand)
Extent:
~10,700 words · 51 passages
Cite this work
  • APAHenry David Thoreau. (n.d.). Resistance to Civil Government (Civil Disobedience). Digital reproduction: SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/en/works/thoreau/resistance-to-civil-government-civil-disobedience
  • MLAHenry David Thoreau. Resistance to Civil Government (Civil Disobedience). Digital reproduction, SigPhi, https://sigphiai.com/en/works/thoreau/resistance-to-civil-government-civil-disobedience.
  • ChicagoHenry David Thoreau. Resistance to Civil Government (Civil Disobedience). Digital reproduction, SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/en/works/thoreau/resistance-to-civil-government-civil-disobedience.

Reference to the edition that SigPhi reproduces: SigPhi is its digital reproduction, not its publisher. The edition's year is not in the metadata (hence "n.d."), and the translator appears only when recorded.

What it is about

Resistance to Civil Government (1849), under its original title.

Context and history

Thoreau spent a night in jail for refusing a tax that funded slavery and the war on Mexico, and this essay came out of it. **The title here is the real one**: 'Civil Disobedience' is the name given to it after his death, and it is the one that stuck. Gandhi read it in South Africa and Martin Luther King at university.

Editorial context, not a citable source: unlike the passages of the work itself, these statements cannot be checked against the corpus.

How it begins
The broadest and most prevalent error requires the most disinterested virtue to sustain it. The slight reproach to which the virtue of patriotism is commonly liable, the noble are most likely to incur. Those who, while they disapprove of the character and measures of a government, yield to it their allegiance and support, are undoubtedly its most conscientious supporters, and so frequently the most serious obstacles to reform. Some are petitioning the State to dissolve the Union, to disregard the requisitions of the President. Why do they not dissolve it themselves,—the union between themselves and the State,—and refuse to pay their quota into its treasury? Do not they stand in the same relation to the State, that the State does to the Union? And have not the same reasons prevented the State from resisting the Union, which have prevented them from resisting the State? How can a man be satisfied to entertain an opinion merely, and enjoy it? Is there any enjoyment in it, if his opinion is that he is aggrieved? If you are cheated out of a single dollar by your neighbor, you do not rest satisfied with knowing that you are cheated, or with saying that you are cheated, or even with petitioning him to pay you your due; but you take effectual steps at once to obtain the full amount, and see that you are never cheated again. Action from principle,—the perception and the performance of right,—changes things and relations; it is essentially revolutionary, and does not consist wholly with any thing which was. It not only divides states and churches, it divides families; aye, it divides the individual, separating the diabolical in him from the divine.

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