The State and Revolution
- Language:
- English
- Status:
- Complete work
- Authorship:
- Written by the author
- Condition of the text:
- No scanning noise detected (automatic measure over the whole text, not checked by hand)
- Extent:
- ~56,200 words · 267 passages
Cite this work
- APAVladimir Lenin. (n.d.). The State and Revolution. Digital reproduction: SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/en/works/vladimir-lenin/the-state-and-revolution
- MLAVladimir Lenin. The State and Revolution. Digital reproduction, SigPhi, https://sigphiai.com/en/works/vladimir-lenin/the-state-and-revolution.
- ChicagoVladimir Lenin. The State and Revolution. Digital reproduction, SigPhi. https://sigphiai.com/en/works/vladimir-lenin/the-state-and-revolution.
Reference to the edition that SigPhi reproduces: SigPhi is its digital reproduction, not its publisher. The edition's year is not in the metadata (hence "n.d."), and the translator appears only when recorded.
What it is about
The State and Revolution (1917): what must happen to the state after a revolution.
Context and history
Written in hiding in Finland weeks before October, and left unfinished because — as he says in the postscript — 'it is more pleasant and useful to go through the experience of a revolution than to write about it'. He argues the state must wither away, which makes reading it afterwards especially uncomfortable. The original is in RUSSIAN. This is an English translation; for citation, the original.
Editorial context, not a citable source: unlike the passages of the work itself, these statements cannot be checked against the corpus.
The Imperialist war has greatly accelerated the transformation of monopoly-capitalism into State-monopoly-capitalism. The monstrous oppression of the laboring masses by the State—which identifies itself more and more intimately with the all-powerful capitalist combines—becomes ever more terrible. The foremost countries are being converted into military labor prisons for the workers. The incredible miseries and horrors of the protracted war are making the position of the masses unbearable and increasing their indignation. It is clear an international proletarian revolution is preparing. The question therefore of its relation to the State takes on a practical importance. The acquisition of opportunist elements during the decades of comparatively peaceful development brought into the official Socialist parties of the whole world a predominance of Socialist chauvinism: Plekhanoff, Potresoff, Breshkovskaya, Rubanovitch, and in a slightly concealed form, Tseretelli, Tchernoff & Co., in Russia; Scheidemann, Legien, David and others in Germany; Renaudel, Guesde, Vandervelde in France and Belgium; Hyndman and the Fabians in England; and so on, and so on. Socialists in words, chauvinist in deeds, these "leaders of Socialism" distinguish themselves by a base, servile adaptation to the interests not only of "their" national bourgeoisie, but also of "their" State—for plenty of smaller, weaker nationalities have long been exploited and enslaved by most of the so-called Great Powers. The imperialist war is just a scramble for more division and repartition of the same kind of booty. The struggle for the emancipation of the laboring masses from the oppression of the bourgeoisie in general, and the Imperialist bourgeoisie in particular, cannot be separated from a struggle against the opportunist superstitions concerning the State.