quadrate mass. Gradually this almost-uniform series falls into unlike divisions — ^the cervical group, the dorsal gronp^ the lumbar group; and while the series of yertebrad is thus becoming specialized in its different regions, each vertebra is changing from that general form which it at first had in common with the rest, to the more special form eventually distinguishing it from the rest. In all parts of the embryo there are, at the same time, going on kindred processes, which, first making each large part unlike all other parts, then make the parts of that part unlike one another. In social evolution analogous metamorphoses may be everywhere traced. The rise of the structure exercising religious control may be taken as an example.
In simple tribes, and in clusters of tribes during their early stages of aggregation, we find men who are at once sorcerers, priests, diviners, exorcists, doctors, — ^men who deal with supposed supernatural beings in all the various possible ways: propitiating them, seeking knowledge and aid from them, commanding them, subduing them. Along with advance in social integration, there come both differences of function and differences of rank. In Tanna ''there is a rain-making class of priests ''; in Fiji there are not only priests, but seers; among the Sandwich Islanders there are diviners as well as priests; among the New Zealanders, Thomson distinguishes between priests and sorcerers; and among the Kaffirs, besides the diviners and rain-makers, there are two classes of doctors who respectively rely on supernatural and on natural agents in curing their patients. More advanced societies, as those of Ancient America, show us still greater multiformity of this originally-uniform social structure. In Mexico, for example, the medical class, descending from a class of sorcerers who dealt antagonistically with the supernatural agents supposed to cause disease, were distinct from the priests.
SOCIAL STSnCTUBES. 495 whose dealings with supernatural agents were propitiatory. Further, within the priest-class there were different orders, dividing the religious offices Among them — sacrificers, diviners, singers, composers of hymns, instructors of youth, etc.; and then there were also gradations of rank among priests. This progress from general to special in priesthoods, has, in the higher nations, led to such marked distinctions that the original kinships are forgotten. The priest-astrologers of ancient races were initiators of the s^iientific class, now variously specialized; from the priestdoctors of old have come the medical class with its chief division and minor divisions; while within the clerical class proper, have arisen not only various ranks from Pope down to acolyte, but various kinds of functionaries — spriest, deacon, chorister, exorcist, etc., as well as the many kinds of monks and nuns. Similarly if we trace the genesis of any industrial structure; as that which from primitive blacksmiths who smelt their own iron as well as make implements from it, brings us to our iron-manufacturing districts, where preparatiou of the metal is separated into smelting, refining, puddling, rolling, and where turning this metal into implements is divided into various businesses carried on in many kinds of factories.
The transformation here illustrated, is, indeed, an aspect of that transformation, of the homogeneous into the heterogeneous which everywhere characterizes evolution; but the truth to be noted is that it characterizes the evolution of individual organisms and of social organisms in especially high degrees.
§ 231. Closer study of the facts shows us another striking parallelism. Organs in animals and organs in societies have internal arrangements framed on the same principle.
Differing from one another as the viscera of a living creature do in many respects, they all have several traits in common. Each viscus contains appliances for conveying 496 THE INDUCTIONS OF SOCIOUMT.
natriment throagli it, for bringuig it materiaU oa which to operate^ for carrying away the prodact^ for draining off waste matters; as also for increasing and diminisliing its activity. Though liver and kidneys are widely nnlike in general appearance and minate structare^ as well as in the offices they fulfil, the one as mach as the other has a system of arteries, a system of veins/ a system of lymphatics — has branched channels through which its excretions escape, and nerves for exciting and checking it. In large measure the like is true of those higher organs which, instead of prepai^-ing and purifying and distributing the blood, aid the general life by carrying on external actions — ^the nervous and muscular organs. These, too, have their channels for bringing prepared materials, channels for drafting off vitiated materials, channels for carrying away effete matters; as also their controlling nerve cells and fibres. So that along with the many marked differences of structure there are these marked communities of structure.
It is the same in a society. The clustered citizens forming an organ which produces some commodity for national use, or which otherwise satisfies national wants, has within it subservient structures substantially like those of each other organ carrjring on each other function. Be it a cottonweaving district or a district where cutlery is made, it has a set of agencies which bring the raw material and a set of agencies which collect and send away the manufactured articles; it has an elaborate apparatus of major and minor channels through which the necessaries of life are drafted out of the general stocks circulating through the kingdom, and brought home to the local workers and those who direct them; it has appliances, postal and other, for bringing those impulses by which the industry of the place is excited or checked; it has local controlling powers, political and ecclesiastical, by which order is maintained and healthful action furthered. So, too, when, from a district which secretes some commodity, we turn to a sea-port which absorbs and SOCIAL STRUCTURES. 497 sends out goods^ we find the distributing and restraining agencies are mostly the same. Even where this social organ^ instead of carrying on a material actiyity^ has^ like a university, the office of preparing certain classes of units for social functions of particular kinds^ this general type of structure is repeated: the appliances for local sustentation and regulation, differing in some respects, are similar in essentials — ^there are like classes of distributors, like classes for civil control, and a specially-developed class for ecclesiastical control.
On observing that this communiiy of structure among social organs, like the community of structure among organs in a living body, necessarily accompanies mutual dependence, we shall see even more clearly than hitherto, how great is the likeness of nature between individual organization and social organization.
§ 232. One more structural analogy must be named. The formation of organs in a living body proceeds in ways which we may distinguish as primary, secondary, and tertiary; and, paralleling them, there are primary, secondary, and tertiary ways in which social organs are formed. We will look at each of the three parallelisms by itself.
In animals of low types the secretion of bile is carried on not by a liver, but by separate cells scattered along in the wall of the intestine at one part. These cells individually perform their function of separating certain matters from the blood, and individually pour out the products. No organ, strictly so-called, exists; but only a number of units not yet aggregated into an organ. This is analogous to the incipient form of an industrial structure in a society. At first each worker carries on his occupation alone; and himself disposes of the product to the consumer. The arrangement still extant in our villages, where the cobbler at his own fireside makes and sells boots, and where the blacksmith single-handed does what iron-work is needed K X 498 THE INDVCnOlIB OF SOCIOLOOY.
by his neighboars, exemplifies the primitiye type of every prodacing atmctare. Among saTages slight differentiations arise from individual aptitudes. Even of the degraded FaegiiOLB^ Fitzroy tells us that " one becomes an adept with the spear; another with the sling; another with a bow and arrows/' As like differences of skill among members of primitive tribes, cause some to become makers of special things^ it results that necessarily the industrial organ begins as a social unit. Where, as among the Shasta Indians of California, '' arrow-making is a distinct profession,^' it is clear that manipulative superiority being the cause of the differentiation, the worker is at first single. And during subsequent periods of growth, even in small settled communitiesy this type continues. The statement of Winterbottom^ that among the Coast Negroes, ^^ the most ingenious man in the village is usually the blacksmith, joiner, architect, and weaver,'' while it shows us how little industrial functions are differentiated, also shows us how completely individual is the structure: the implication being that as the society grows, it is by the addition of more such individuals, severally carrying on their occupations independently, that the additional demand is met.
By two simultaneous changes, the incipient secreting organ of an animal reaches that higher structure with which our next comparison may be made. The cells pass from a scattered cluster into a compact cluster; and they severally become compound. In place of a single cell elaborating and emitting its special product, we now have a small elongated sac containing a &mily of cells; and this, through an opening at one end, gives exit to their products. Hence results an integrated group of more or less tubular follicles, each containing secreting units and having its separate orifice of discharge. ' To this type of individual organ, we find, in semi-oivilized societies, a type of social organ closely corresponding. In one of these settled and growing communities, the dejnands upon SOCIAL BTBUOTDBIS. 499 indiyidnal workers, now more specialized in tbeir occa* pations, haye become regular; and each worker, occasionally pressed by work, makes helpers of his children. This practice, beginning incidentally, gradually establishes itself; and eyentoally it grows into a law of the community that each man shall bring np his family to his own trade. Illustrations of this stage are numerous. Skilled occupations, Prescott says, '^ like erery other calling and office in Peru, always descended from father to son. The division of castes, in this particular, was as precise as that which existed in £gypt or Hindustan/' In Mexico too, according to Glavigero, " the sons in general learned the trades of their fathers, and embraced their professions.'' The like was true of the industrial structures of European nations in early times. By the Theodosian code, a Roman youth " was compelled to follow the employment of his father « * * and the suitor who sought the hand of the daughter could only obtain his bride by becoming wedded to the calling of her family.'' In medisBval France handicrafts were inherited; and the old English periods were characterized by a like custom.
Branching of the &mily through generations into a number of kindred families carrying on the same occupation, produced the germ of the guild; and the related families who monopolized each industry formed a cluster habitually occupying the same quarter. Hence the still extant names of many streets in English towns — ^^Fellmonger, Horsemonger, and Fleshmonger, Shoewright and Shieldwright, Turner and Salter Streets, and the like." And now, on observing how one of these industrial quarters was composed of many allied families, each containing sons working under direction of a father, who while sharing in the work sold the produce, and who, if the family and business were large, became mainly a channel taking in raw material and giving out the manufactured article, we see that there existed an analogy to the kind of glandular organ 600 THB INDUOTIONS OF SOCIOLOGT.
described aboye, whiob coiiBists of a namber of adjacent cellcontainmg follicles haying separate months.
A third stage the analogy may be traced. Along with that increase of a glandular organ necessitated by the more actiye functions of a more deyeloped animal, there goes a change of structure consequent on augmentation of bulk. If the follicles multiply while their ducts haye all to be brought to one spot, it results that their orifices, increasingly numerous, occupy a larger area of the wall of the cayity which receiyes the discharge; and if lateral extension of this area is negatiyed by the functional requiremente, it results that the needful area is gained by formation of. a coecum. Further need of the same kind leads to secondary coBca diyerging from this main coecum; which hence becomes in part a duct. Thus is at length eyolyed a large yiscus, such as a liyer, haying a single main duct with ramifying branches running throughout its mass. Now we pass from the aboye-described kind of industrial organ by parallel stages to a higher kind. There is no sudden leap from the household type to the factory type, but a gradual transition. The first step is shown us in those rules of trade-guilds under which, to the members of the family, might be added an apprentice (possibly at first a relation), who, as Brentano says, '' became a member of the family of his master, who instructed him in his trade, and who, Uke a father, had to watch oyer his morals, as well as his work ": practically, an adopted son. This modification haying been initiated, there followed the employing of apprentices who had changed into journeymen. With the deyelopment of this modified household-group, the master grew into a seller of goods made, not by his own family only, but by others; and with the enlargement of his business necessarily ceased to be a worker and became wholly a distributor — a channel through which went out the products, not of a few sons, but of many unrelated artizans. This led the way to establishments in which the employed far outnumbered the SOCIAL STEUCfUBBS. 501 members of the family; until at lengthy with the use of mechanical power^ came the factory: a series o£ stories^ severally containing a crowd of prodacing nnits^ and sending out tributary streams of product that join before reaching the single place of exit. Finally^ in greatly-deyeloped industrial organs, such as those yielding textile fabrics, arise many &ctories clustered in the same town, and others in adjacent towns, to and from which, along branching roads, come the raw material and go the bales of cloth, calico, eta There are instances in which a new industry passes through these stages in the course of a few generations; as happened with the stocking manufacture. In the Midland counties, fifty years ago, the rattle and burr of a solitary stocking-frame came from a road-side cottage every here and there: the single worker made and sold his product. Presently arose work-shops in which several such looms might be heard going: there was the father and his sons, with perhaps a journeyman. At leng^th grew up the large building containing many looms driven by a steam-engine; and at last many such large buildings in the same town.
§ 283. These structural analogies reach a final phase that is still more striking. In both cases there is a contrast between the original mode of development and a substituted later mode.
In the general course of organic evolution from low types to high, there have been passed through by insensible modifications all the stages above described; but now, in the individual evolution of an organism of high type, these stages are greatly abridged, and an organ is produced by a comparatively direct process. Thus the liver of a mammalian embryo is formed by the accumulation of numerous cells, which presently grow into a mass projecting from the wall of the intestine; while simultaneously there dips down into it a coecum from the intestine. Transformation of this ccecum into the hepatic duct takes place at 502 THE INDUCnOHS OF SOCIOLOGY.
the same time that within the mass of cells there Brise minor ducts, connected with this main duct; aad there are meanwhile going on other changes which, daring^ the evolution of the organ in successively higher typesy came one after another. In the formation of industrial organs the like happens. Now that the factory form of structure is well-established — now that it has become iugrained in the social constitution, we see direct assumptions of it in all industries for which its adaptation has been shown. If at one place the discovery of ore prompts the setting up of iron-works, or at another a fit kind of water facilitates brewing, there is no passing through the early stages of the single worker, the family, the clustered families, etc.; but there is a sudden draftiog of materials and men to the spot, and a rapid formation of a producing structure on the advanced type. Nay, not the single large establishment only is thus evolved after the direct manner, but a whole cluster of large establishments. Such a case as that of Barrow shows us a town with its great iron-works, its vast importing and exporting establishments, its large docks and means of communication, all in the space of a few years framed after that type which it has taken many centuries to develop through sucoessive modifications.
An allied but even more marked change in the evolutionary process, is also common to both cases. Just as in the embryo of a high animal, various organs have their important parts laid down out of their original order, in anticipation, as it were; so, with the body at large, it happens that entire organs which, during the serial genesis of the type, came comparatively late, come in the evolving individual comparatively soon. This, which Prof. Haeckel has called heterochrony, is shown us in the early marking out of the brain in a mammalian embryo, though in the lowest vertebrate animal, no brain ever exists; or, again, in the segmentation of the spinal column before any alimentary Bystem is formed^ thongh^ in a proto-yertebratej even -when its tdimentaiy system is completed, there are bat feeble signs of that segmentation from which a vertebrate axis may follow. The analogous change of order in social eyolntion, is shown us by new societies which inherit the confirmed habits of old ones. Instance the United States, where a town in the far west, laid down in its streets and plots, has its hotel, church, post-office, built while there are but few houses; and where a line of railway is run through the wilderness in anticipation of settlements. Or instance Australia, where but a few years after the huts of gold diggers begin to cluster round some new mines, there is established a printing-office and journal; though, in the mother-country, centuries passed before a town of like size developed a like agency.
CHAPTER V.
SOCIAL FUNCTIONS.
§ 234. Ohanges of stractares cannot oconr without changes of functions. Mucli that was said in the List chapter might, therefore, be said here with substituted terms. Indeed, as in societies many changes of structure are more indicated by changes of function than directly seen, it may be said that these last have been already described by implication.
There are, however, certain functional traits not manifestly implied by traits of structure. To these we may deyote a few pages.
§ 235. If organization consists in such a construction of the whole that its parts can carry on mutually-dependent actions, then in proportion as organization is slight, the parts must be comparatively independent of one another; while, conversely, along with high organization must go a dependence of each part upon the rest so great that separation is fatal. This truth is equally well shown us in the individual organism and in the social organism.
The lowest animal-aggregates are so constituted that each portion, like every other in appearance, carries on like actions; and here spontaneous or artificial separation interferes scarcely at all with the life of either part. When the faintly-differentiated speck of protoplasm forming a SOCIAL ITTNCnOKS. 505 Bhusopod is accidentally divided^ each division goes on aa before. So^ too^ with those aggregates of the second order in which the components remain substantially alike. The ciliated monads clothing the homy fibres of a living spongCj need one another's aid so little that, when the sponge is cut in two, each half carries on its processes without interruption. Eren where some unlikeness has arisen among the units, as in the familiar polype, the perturbation caused by division is but temporary: the two or more portions resulting, need only a little time for the units to rearrange themselves into the fit forms before resuming their ordinary simple actions. The like happens for the like reason with the lowest social aggregates. A headless wandering group of primitive men divides without any inconvenience. Each man, at once warrior, hunter, and maker of his own weapons, hut, etc., with squaw who has in every case the like drudgeries to carry on, needs concert with his fellows only in war and to some extent in the chase; and, except for fighting, concert with half the tribe is as good as concert with the whole. Even where the slight differentiation implied by chieftainship exists, little inconvenience results from voluntary or enforced separation. Either before or after a part of the tribe migrates, some man becomes head, and such low social life as is possible recommences.
With highly-organized aggregates of either kind it is very different. We cannot cut a mammal in two without causing immediate death. Twisting off the head of a fowl is fatal. Not even a reptile, though it may survive the loss of its tail, can live when its body is divided. And among annulose creatures it similarly happens that though in some inferior genera, bisection does not kill either half, it kills both in an insect, an arachnid, or a crustacean. If in high societies the effect of mutilation is less, still it is great. Middlesex separated from its surroundings would in a few days have all its social processes stopped 506 THs iHDircTUHni or bocioloot.
by lack of supplies. Cat off ihe cotton-district from Liverpool and other ports, and there would come arrest of its industry followed by mortality of its people. Let a division be made between the coal-mining populations and adjacent populatious which smelt metals or make broadcloth by machinery, and both, forthwith dying socially by arrest of their actions, would begin to die indiyiduaDy. Though when a civilized society is so divided that part of it is left without a central controlling agency, it may presently evolve one; yet there is meanwhile much risk of dissolution, and before re-organization is tolerably efficient, a long period of disorder and weakness must be passed through.
So that the consensus of functions becomes closer as die evolution advances. In low aggregates, both individual and social, the actions of the parts are but lifctle dependmit on one another; whereas in developed aggregates of both kinds, that combination of actions which constitutes the life of the whole, makes possible the component actions which constitute the lives of the parts.
§ 236. Another corollary, manifest d priori and proved i posteriori, must be named. Where parts are little differentiated, they can, with comparative facility, perform one another's functions; but where much differentiated they can perform one another's functions very imperfectly, or not at all.
Again the common polype furnishes a clear illustration. One of these sack-shaped creatures admits of being turned inside out, so that the skin becomes stomach and the stomach becomes skin: each thereupon beginning to do the work of the other. The higher we rise in the scale of organization the less practicable do we find such exchanges. Still, to a small extent, substitutions of functions remain possible in the most developed creatures. Even in man the skin shows a trace of its original absorptive power, now monopolized by the alimentary canal: it takes into ihe system ^ SOCIAL PtTNCTIONS. 507 certain Btnall amonnts of matters rubbed on to it. Sucli yiearious actions are, however, most manifest between parts having functions that are still allied. If^ for instance, escape of the bile separated by the liver is impeded, other excretory organs, the kidneys and the skin, become channels through which bile is got rid of. If a cancer in the oBsophagus prevents swallowing, the arrested food, dilating the oesophagus, forms a pouch in which imperfect digestion is.set up. But these small abilities of the differentiated parts to discharge one another's duties, are not displayed where the structures and functions have diverged more widely. Though mucous membrane, continuous with skin at various orifices, will, if everted, assume to a considerable extent the characters and powers of skin, yet serous membrane will not; nor can bone or muscle undertake, for any of the viscera, portions of their functions if they fail.
In social organisms, low and high^ we find these relatively great and relatively small powers of substitution. Of course, where each member of the tribe repeats every other in his mode of life, there are no unlike functions to be exchanged; and where there has arisen only that small differentiation impUed by the barter of weapons for other articles, between one member of the tribe skilled in weapon-making and others who are less skilled, the destruction of this specially-skilled member entails no great evil; since the rest can severally do for themselves that which he did for them, though not quite so well. Even in settled societies of considerable size, we find the like holds to a great degree. Of the ancient Mexicans Zurita says — ''Every Indian knows all handicrafts which do not require great skill or subtle utensils;'' and Prescott affirms that in Peru each man ''was expected to be acquainted with the various handicrafts essential to domestic comfort." Here it is plain that the parts of the societies were so slightly differentiated in their occupations, that assumption of one another's occupations remained practicable. But in societies like our 508 THx nrDucnoHs ot sooiologt.
own, specialized indastrially and oiherwiae in higli degrees, the actions of one part which &ils in its function cannot be assumed by other parts. Eyen the relatiyely nnakilled farm labourers would have their duties very inadequately performed by the urban population, were they to strike; and our iron manufactures would be almost stopped if their specially-trained artisans, refusing to work, had to be replaced by peasants or hands from cotton-factories. Still less could the higher functions, legisktive, judicial, etc, be effectually performed by coal-miners and navvies.
Evidently the same reason for this contrast holds in the two cases. In proportion as the units forming any part of an individual organism are limited to one kind of action, as that of absorbing, or secreting, or contracting, or conveying an impulse, and become adapted to that action, they lose adaptation to other actions; and in the social organism the discipline or culture required for the effectual discharge of a special duty, implies diminished fitness for discharging the special duties of others.
§ 237. Beyond these two chief functional analogies between individual organisms and social organisms, that when thoy are little evolved, division or mutilation causes small inconvenience but when they are much evolved it causes great perturbation or death, and that in low types of either kind the parts can assume one another's functions but cannot in high types; sundry consequent functional analogies might be enlarged upon did space permit.
There is the truth that in both kinds of organisms the vitality increases in proportion as the functions become specialized. In either case, before there exist variouslyadapted structures for the unlike actions, these are illperformed; and in the absence of developed appliances for furthering it, the utilization of one another's services is but slight. But along with advance of organization, every part, more limited in its office, performs its office better; the means of excliaiigiiig benefits become greater; eacb aids all and all aid each with increasing efficiency; and the total activity we call life, indiyidnal or national, augments.
Much, too, remains to be said aboat the parallelism between the changes by which the functions become specialized; bat this, along with other parallelisms, will best be seen on following out, as we will now do, the eyolution of the several great systems of organs, individual and social: considering their respective structural and functional traits together.
CHAPTER VI.
CHAPTER VI.
SYSTEMS OF OBGAKS.
§ 237. The hypothesis of eyolation implies a truth that was established independently of it — ^the truth that all animals^ howeyer nnlike they finally become, begin their developments in like ways. The first stmctoral changes, once passed through in common by diyergent types, are repeated in the early changes undergone by eyery new individual of each type. Admitting some exceptions, chiefly among parasites, this is recognized as a general law.
This common method of deyelopment among organisms, is a method which we may expect to find paralleled by some common method among social organisms; and our expecta'-tion will be verified.
§ 238. In First Prwciples (§§ 149—152) and in the Pnneiples of Biology {§§ 287 — ^9) were described the primaiy organic differentiations which arise in correspondence with the primary contrasts of conditions among the parts, as outer and inner. Neglecting earlier stages, let us pass to those which show us the resulting systems of organs in their simplest forms.
The aggregated units composing the lowest ccelenterate animal, have become so arranged that there is an outer layer of them directly exposed to the surrounding medium with its inhabitants, and an inner layer lining the digestive cavity STaTBKS OF OB0AN8. 511 directly exposed only to the food. From units of tiie oater layer are formed those tentacles by which small creatures are caught, and those thread-cells, as they are called, -whence are ejected minute weapons against invading larger creatures; while by units of the inner layer is poured out the solvent which prepares the food for that absorption which they afterwards effect, both for their own sustentation and for the sustentation of the rest. Here we have in its first stage the fundamental distinction which pervades the animal kingdom, between the external parts which deal with environing existences — prey, enemies, etc.-— and the internal parts which utilize for the benefit of the entire body the nutritious substances which the extenial parts have secured. Among the higher Ocdenterata a complication occurs. In place of each single layer of units there is a double layer, and between the two double layers a space. This space, partially separate from the stomach in creatures of this type, becomes completely shut o£E in types above it. In these superior types the outer double layer forms the wall of the body; the inner double layer bounds the alimentary cavity; and the space between them, containing such nutritive matters as are absorbed, is the so-called peri-visceral sac. Though the above* described two simple layers with their intervening protoplasm, are but analogous to the outer and inner systems of higher animals, these two double layers, with the intervening cavity, are homologous wUh the outer and inner systems of higher animals. For in the course of evolution this outer double layer gives rise to the. skeleton, the nervomuscular system, the organs of sense, the protecting structures, etc.; while the inner double layer becomes the alimentary canal with its numerous appended organs, which almost monopolize the cavity of the body.
Early stages which are in principle analogous, occur in the evolution of social organisms. When from low tribes entirely undifferentiated, we pass to tribes next above them, we 512 THE INDUCTIONS OF 80CI0L00T.