find clasBes of masters and slares — ^masters who^ as warriors carry on the offensiye and defensive actiyities of the tribe, and thns especially stand in relations to environing agencies; and slaves who carry on inner activities for the general sostentation^ primarily of their masters and secondarily of themselves. Of course this unlikeness is at first vague.
Where the tribe subsists mainly on wild animals, its dominant class, not only warriors but hunters, takes a large share in procuring food; and such few captives as are made by war, form a subject class which performs the less skilled and more laborious parts of the process of sustentation. But along with progress to the agricultural state, the differentiation becomes more appreciable. Though members of the dominant class superintending the labour of their slaves in the fields, sometimes join in it — ^though the smaller chiefs and even the greater chiefs occasionally do this; yet the subjectclass is the one immediately in contact with the food-supply, and the dominant class, more remote from the food-supply, is becoming directive only, with respect to internal actions, while it is both executive and directive with respect to external actions, offensive and defensive. A society thns composed of two strata in immediate contact, complicates by the rise of grades within each stratum. For small tribes the structure just described suffices; but where there are formed aggregates of tribes, necessarily having more developed governmental and defensive agencies, with accompanying more developed industrial agencies supporting them, the higher and lower strata severally begin to differentiate internally. The superior class, besides minor distinctions that arise locally, originates everywhere a supplementary class of personal adherents who are mostly also warriors; while the inferior class begins to separate into bond and free. Various of the Malayo-Polynesian societies show us this stage. Among the East Africans, the Congo people, the Coast Negroes, the Inland Negroes, we find the same general sub-division — the king with his relatives, the SYSTEMS OF ORGANS. 513 chief-class^ tlie common people^ the slaves; of which the first two with their immediate dependents carry on the corporate actions of the society, and the second two those actions of relatively- separate kinds which yield it all the necessaries of life.
§ 239. In both individual and social organisms, after the outer and inner systems have been marked oS from one another, there begins to arise a third system, lying between the two and facilitating their co-operation. Mutual dependence of the primarily-contrasted parts, implies intermediation; and in proportion as they respectively develop, the apparatus for exchange of products and of influences must develop too. This we find it does.
In the low coelenterate animal first described, consisting of inner and outer layers with intervening protoplasm, the nutritiye matter which members of the inner layer have absorbed from prey caught by members of the outer layer, is transn^itted almost directly to these members of the outer layer. Not so, however, in the superior type. Between the double-layered body-wall and the double-layered alimentary cavity, there is now a partially-separate peri- visceral sac; and this serves as a reservoir for the digested matters from which the surrounding tissues take up their shares of prepared food. Here we have the rudiment of a distributing system. Higher in the animal series, as in Molltisca, this peri-visceral sac, quite shut off, has ramifications running through the body, carrying nutriment to its chief organs; and in the central part of the sac has arisen a contractile tube which, by its occasional pulses, causes irregular movements in the nutritive fluid. Further advances are shown by the gradual lengthening and branching of it, until dividing and sub-dividing it becomes a set of blood-vessels, while its central part becomes a heart. A^ fast as this change progresses, the nutriment taken up from the alimentary structures, is distributed by those vascular structures to the outer and 514 THX INDUCTIONS OV 800IOL0GT.
inner organs in proportion to their needs. Evidently this distributing system must arise between the two pre-eadsting systems; and it necessarily complicates and ramifies in proportion as the parts to which it carries materials become more remote^ more numerous^ and severally more complex. The like happens in societies. The lowest lypes have no distributing systems — no roads or traders exist. The two original classes are in contact. Any slaves possessed by a member of the dominant class^ stand in such direct relation to him that the transfer of products takes place without an intervening agency; and each family being self-sufficing^ there is no need for men to efEect exchanges of products between families. Even after these two primary divisions become partially subdivided, we find that so long as the social aggregate is a congeries of tribes severally carrying on within themselves the needful productive activities^ a distributing system is scarcely traceable: occasional assemblings for barter alone occur. But as progressing consolidation of such tribes makes possible the localization of industries, there begins to show itself a special appliance for transferi*ing commodities; consisting now of single hawkers, now of travelling companies of traders, and growing with the formation of roads into an organized system of wholesale and retail distribution that spreads everywhere* § 240. There is, then, parallelism between these three great systems in the two kinds of organisms. Moreover^ they arise in the social organism in the same order as in the individual organism; and for the same reasons.
A society lives by absorbing matters from the earth — ^tbe mineral matters used for buildings, fuel, etc., the vegetal matters raised on its surface for food and clothing, the animal znatters elaborated from these with or without human regulation; and the lowest social stratum is the one through which such matters are taken up and delivered to agents who p4u»s them into the general current of commodities: the SY8TBM8 OF OBGANS. 515 higher part of this lowest stratum being that which in workshops and factories elaborates some of these materials before they go to consumers. Hence it is undeniable that the classes engaged in manual occupations play the same part in the function of social sustentation, as is played by the components of the alimentary surfaces in the sustentation of a living body. No less certain is it that the entire class of men engaged in buying and selling commodities of all kindsj on large and small scales^ and in sending them along channels gradually formed to all districtSj towns^ and individuals^ so enabling them to make good the waste caused by action^ are^ along with those channels^ fulfilling an office essentially like that fulfilled in a living body by the vascular system; which, to every organ and every unit of it, brings a current of nutritive matters proportionate to its activity. And it is equally manifest that while in the living body, the brain, the organs of sense, and the limbs guided by them, distant in position from the alimentary surfaces, are fed through the tortuous channels of the vascular system; so the controlling parts of a society, most remote from the operative parts, have brought to them through courses of distribution often extremely indirect, the needful supplies of consumable articles.
That the order of evolution is necessarily the same in the two cases, is just as clear. In a creature that is both very small and very inactive, like a hydra, direct passage of nutriment from the inner layer to the outer layer by absorption suffices. But in proportion as the outer structures, becoming more active, expend more, simple absorption from adjacent tissues no longer meets the resulting waste; and in proportion as the mass becomes larger, and the parts which prepare, nutriment consequently more remote from the parts which consume it, there arises the need for a means of transfer. Until the two original systems have been marked off from one another, this tertiary system lias no funcol6 THE nn>CCTI<W8 OF SOCIOLOGY.
tion; and when the two CNrighuJ sjst/ems mac, thej cannot develop far withoat corresponding derelopment of this tertiary system. In the evolution of the social organiaan we Koe the like. Where there exists onlja dass of masters and a cUss of shives in direct contact with it, an i^pUanoe for transferring products has no place; bat a larger society with classes exercising Tarioos i^olatiTe functions^ and with localities deroted to different industries, not only siffords a phice for a transferring system, but can grow and complicate only on condition that this transferring system makes proportionate advances.
And now, having observed the relations among these three great systems, we may trace out the evolution of eadi by itself.
CHAPTER Vn.
THE SUSTAINING SYSTEM.
§ 241. The parts carrying on alimentation in a living body and the parts carrying on productive industries in the body politic, constitute, in either case, a sustaining system: sustentation is the oflSce they have in common. These parts are differentiated in conformity with certain laws which are common to individual organisms and social organisms; and of these laws the most general is that which concerns localization of their divisions.
As a typical example of this localization in vegetal organisms, may be named the ordinary contrast between the underground parts and the above-ground parts — the first absorbing water and mineral constituents, and the last, by the aid of light, depriving the atmospheric carbonic acid of its carbon. That this distinction of functions is originally caused by the relations of the two parts to environing agents, is proved by the facts that if not covered with an opaque bark, the root-part, when above the surface, becomes green and decomposes carbonic &cid, while, conversely, branches bent down and imbedded in the ground develop rootlets. That is to say the unlikeness of their conditions determines this difference between the nutritive actions which these two great divisions of the plant carry on for the good of the whole. Among animals (with the exception of certain entoxoa which, being immersed in nutritive mat- 518 THS INDUCTIONS OP SOCIOLOGY.
ters^ feed themselves through their outer surfaces) the outer surfaces take no share in the function of alimentatioii. As already shown^ the primary differentiation^ establishing in the external layers a monopoly of those activities which their position makes possible^ establishes in the internal layers a monopoly of those activities by which the wwal" lowed prey is utilized. Here we have to note how the general process of utilization is divided among parts of the alimentary canal, in conformity with their respective relations to nutritive matters. The course of evolution will be roughly conceived on recalling the antithesis between the uniform digestive tube with undivided function which an inferior creature possesses, and the multiform digestive apparatus, with great and small divisions of function, which a bird or mammal possesses. Secured in a solid form, the food has first to be triturated; and hence triturating appliances when formed, come at, or near, the beginning of the series of structures — teeth where they exist, or a gizzard where they do not. Crushed to pieces, the ingested substances must be further reduced before absorption can begin; and their presence in an incompletely broken down state, therefore throws on a succeeding portion of the alimentary canal the daty of completing the disintegration in a contractile sac, furnished with glands secreting solvent liquids. The pulp produced in this sac entails on the next part of the canal a different office. There can no longer be trituration, or dissolution of large fragments into minute shreds; and any further preparation must consist in the addition of secretions which fit the matters for absorption. Preparation being now completed, there remains nothing to do but take up what is prepared — ^the arrival at a certain part of the alimentary canal in an absorbable state determines in that part the absorbing function. And similarly, though indirectly, with the localization of the great appended glands {Prin. of Bio., § 298 — ^9).
In the social organism localization of the various indns- THl 8USTAIN1NQ SYSTEM. 519 tries which jointly sustain the whole^ is detennined in an analogous manner. Primarily, the relations to different parts of the organic and inorganic environments^ usually not alike over the whole area the society covers, initiate differences in the occupations catried on. And, secondarily, the nearness to districts which have had their industries thus fixed, fixes the positions of other industries which espe* cially require their products. The first of these localizations is traceable even among the semi -civilized.
Jackson describes some of the Fiji Islands as famous for wooden implements, others for mats and baskets, others for pots and pigments — ^unlikenesses between the natural products of the islands being the causes; as also in Samoa, where Turner tells us net-making is '^ confined principally to the inland villages,'^ and ascribes this to ''proximity to the raw material.^^ The slightly-advanced societies of Africa show us kindred differentiations, having kindred origins. In Loango, according to Proyart, ''the sea-coasts are frequented by regular professed fishermen,'^ and there are also men who live near the sea and make salt by " evaporating sea-water over a fire.'' Here local facilities manifestly fix these occupations; as they doubtless do in that Ashantee town which is devoted to pottery. The extinct societies of America had more numerous such instances. Lorenzana says — "An extensive commerce is carried on in this salt [saltpetre] by the Mexicans of Yxtapaluca and Yxtapalapa, which mean the places whore salt, or Yxtail, is gathered;'' and when we read in Glavig^ro of the potters of Gholula, the stone-cutters of Tenajocan, the fishers of Cuitlahuac, and the florists of Xochimilco, we cannot doubt that these several businesses grew up in places which respectively furnished natural advantages for carrying them on. Of kindred evidence supplied by the Ancient Peruvians may be given Qarcilasso's statement that " the shoes were madoin the provinces where aloes were most abundant, for th^ were made of the leaves of a tree called maguey. The arms also were supplied by 520 TBS iBDucxiaaEi or 8oaou»T.
the pTormces where the materials for making them were most abimdant/' By showing ns the generality of the law, these instances gnre point to the eridence around a& Familiarity mnst not make ns overlook the meaning of the facts that the population fringing our shores is, by Tirtoe of its position, led into occnpations directly or indirectly maritime— ^fishing, sailing, dup-boilding — whfle certain coasttowns are, by physical circumstances, differentiatod into places of import and export; and that the inland population, cultivating more especially this or that kind of food as soil and climate determine, has its energies turned by proximity to the raw material, here to quarrying stone or slate, here to brick-making, and in other places to raising minerals. Then, as above implied, there result the secondary localizations favoured by these. Where not drawn by natural advantages in the way of water-power, manu&ctnres in general cluster in or around regions where abundance of coal makes steam-power cheap. And if two materiab are needed, the localization is determined by them jointly; as with the nail- making industry at Stourbridge and the neighbourhood, where both iron and coal are close at hand; as in Birmingham, with its multifarious hardwares, which is similarly adjacent to the sources of these two chief raw materials; as in Manchester, which lies near the chief cotton port and on a coal region; as in Sheffield, which, besides the five streams yielding its waterpower, and its adjacency to supplies of iron, coal, and charcoal, has at hand '^ the best grit in the world for grindstones/' § 242. This localization of organs devoted to the preparation of those matters which the organism, individual or social, needs for sustentation, exhibits a further common trait. The alimentary structures, responding to requirements of another kind, differentiate and develop in a manner quite unlike that followed by the relating strnctuires.
THE SUSTAINING SYSTEM. 521 The common trait referred to is most visible where the two kinds of aggregates respectively consisted at first of similar segments^ which gradually became consolidated. Among animals the annulose type best shows us this transformation with all its concomitants. The segments^ or somites^ as they are called^ forming a low kind of aquatic worm, such as a Syllis, repeat one another's structures. Each has its enlargement of the alimentary canal; each its contractile dilatation of the great blood-vessel; each its portion of the double nervous cord, with ganglia when these exist; each its branches from the nervous and vascular trunks answering to those of its neighbours; each its similarly answering set of muscles; each its pair of openings through the body-wall; and so on throughout, even to the organs of reproduction. Externally, too, they have like locomotive appendages, like branchiee, and sometimes even like pairs of eyes {Prin. of Bio,, § 205). But when we come to the higher Annulosa, such as Crustaceans and Insects, the somites of which, much more integrated, are some of them so completely fused that their divisions are no longer traceable, we find that the alimentary organs have entirely lost their original relations to the somites. In a moth or a cockroach, the abdomen of which is still externally segmented, these internal parts which carry on sustentation do not, as in the annelid, repeat one another in each segment; but the crop, stomach, glands, intestines, severally extend themselves through two, three, four, or more segments. Meanwhile it is observable that the nervous centres carrying on co-ordination, though now partially unlike in the successive segments, have by no means lost their original relations to the segments. Though in a moth the anterior ganglia, controlling the external activities, have become a good deal displaced and integrated; yet the ganglia of the abdominal segments, relatively small as they now are, remain in their localities.
With the industrial structures which arise in a large society formed by permanent consolidation of small societies^ the like happens: they extend themselves without reference to political divisions, great or little. We Kave around us a sufficiency of illustrations. Just noting the partial differentiations of the ag^cultural system^ here characterized by predominance of cereal produce^ here by the raising of cattle, and in mountainous parts by sheep-farming— differences that have no reference to county-boundaries — ^we may note more especially how the areas devoted to this or that manufacture are wholly unrelated to the original limits of political groups, and to whatever limits were politically established afterwards. We have an iron-secreting district occupying part of Worcestershire, part of Staffordshire, part of Warwickshire; the cotton manufacture is not restricted to Lancashire, but takes in a northern district of Derbyshire; and in the coal and iron region round Newcastle and Durham it is the same. So, too, of the smaller political divisions and the smaller parts of our industrial structures.
A manu&cturing town grows without regard to parishboundaries; which are, indeed, often traversed by the premises of single establishments. On a larger scale the like ia shown us by our great city. London overruns many parishes, and its increase is not checked by the division between Middlesex and Surrey. Occasionally it is observable that even national boundaries fail to prevent this consequence of industrial localization: instance the fact named by Hallam, that "the woollen manufacture spread from Flanders along the banks of the Rhine, and into the northern provinces of France.'' Meanwhile the controlling structures, however much they change in their proportions, do not thus lose their relations to the original segments. The regulating agencies of our counties continue to represent what were once independent governments. In the old English period the county was an area ruled by a comes or earl, and varying in its limits with his power. According to Mr. Stubbs, '' the constitutional machinery of the shire thus represents THB 8U8TAIK1NO STSTEM. 523 either the national organization of the several divisions created by West Saxon conquest; or that of the early settlements which united in the Mercian kingdom as it advanced westwards; or the re-arrangement by the West Saxon dynasty of the whole of England on the principles already at work in its own shires/' Similarly respecting the eighty small Gaulish states which originaDy occupied the aroa of France, M. De Coulanges says — " Ni les Bomains ni les Germains, ni la f£odalit6 ni la monarchic n'ont d^truit oes unites vivaoes;'' which up to the time of the Revolution remained substantially, as "provinces*' and "pays/* the minor local governments.
§ 248. This community of traits between the development of sustaining structures in an individual organism and in a social organism, requires to be expressed apart from detail before its full meaning can be seen.
What is the law of evolution in the digestive system of an animal as most generally stated? That the entire alimentary canal becomes adapted in structure and function to the matters, animal or vegetal, brought in contact with its interior; and, further, that its several parts acquire fitnesses for dealing with these matters at successive stages of their preparation: that is, the foreign substances serving for sustentation, on which its interior operates, detei*mine the general and special characters of that interior. And what, stated in terms similarly general, is the law of evolution of the industrial system in a society? That as a whole it takes on activities and correlative structures, determined by the minerals, animals, and vegetals, with which its working population are in contact; and that industrial specializations in parts of its population, are determined by differences, organic or inorganic, in the local products those parts have to deal with.
The truth that while the material environment, yielding in various degrees and with various advantages consumable bli THE INDUCriONB OF 8O0IOIX)0T.
things^ thus determinee the industrial differentiationBj I have, iu passings joined with a brief indication of the trath that differentiations of the regulative or governmental stmctures are not thus determined. The significance of this antithesis remains to be pointed ont when the evolution of these governmental stmotnres ia traced.
CHAPTER Vin.
THfi DISTRIBUTINQ SYSTEM.
§ 244. Ih the last chapter but one, where the relations between the three great systems of organs were briefly described^ it was pointed out that neither in an animal nor in a society can development of the sustaining system or of the regulating system go on without concomitant development of the distributing system. Transition from a partially-coherent group of tribes that are severally selfsufficing^ to a completely-coherent group in which industrial differences have arisen, cannot take place without the rise of an agency for transferring commodities; any more than a cluster of similar polypites can be changed into such a combination as we seeiaDiphyee, without some modification facilitating conveyance of nutriment from its feeding members to its swimming members. A mediaeval society formed of slightly-subordinated feudal states, each having besides its local lord its several kinds of workers and traders within itself, just as an annelid is formed of segments, each having besides its ganglia its own appendages, branchi« and simple alimentary tract; can no more pass into an integrated society having localized industries, without the development of roads and commercial classes, than the annelid can evolve into a crustacean or insect, characterized by numerous unlikenesses of parts and actions, without the growth of a centralized vascular system.
Here, then, we have to observe the implied parallelisms between the distribatiug systems, indiyidual and social, in their succesBive stages.
§ 245. Protos&oa of the rhizopod type are withoat channels of communication from part to part. The close proximity of the parts, the likeness of function among the parts, and their great variability of relative position, make a distributing system alike useless and impracticable. Even such animal aggregates as Myxomycetee, which are of considerable extent but are homogeneous, have no permeable lines for the distribution of nutriment. So is it with low societies. Tribes that are small, migratory, and without division of labour, by each of these characters negative the formation of channels for intercourse. A group of a dozen or two, have among themselves such small and indefinite communications as scarcely to make tracks between huts; when migratory, as they mostly are, the beaten paths they begin forming at each temporary abode are quickly overgrown; and even where they are settled, if they are scattered and have no unlikenesses of occupations, the movements of individuals from place to place are so trifling as scarcely to leave traces.