despotism has been in late times establislied by war^ there are several grades and castes. Among the Dahomans^ giyen in so great a degree to bloodshed of all kinds, *'the army, or, what is nearly synonymous, the nation,'' says Burton, ''is divided, both male and female, into two wings; '' and then, of the various ranks enumerated, all are characterisfied as legally slaves of the king. In Ashantee, too, where his officers are required to die when the king dies, we have a kindred condition. Of old, among the aggrc^ssive Persians, grades were strongly marked. So was it in warlike Ancient Mexico: besides three classes of nobility, and besides the mercantile classes, there were three agricultural classes down to the serfs — all in precise subordination. In Peru, also, below the Ynca, there were grades of nobility — fiords over lords. Moreover, according to Qarcilasso, in each town the inhabitants were registered in decades under a decurion, five of these under a superior, two such under a higher one, five of these centurions under a head, two of these under one who thus ruled a thousand men, and for every ten thousand there was a governor of Ynca race: the political rule being thus completely regimental. Till lately, another illustration was furnished by Japan. That there were kindred, if less elaborate, structures in ancient militant states of the Old World, scarcely needs saying; and that like structures were repeated in medisaval times, when a large nation like France had under the monarch several grades of feudal lords, vassals to those above and suzerains to those below, with serfs under the lowest, again shows us that everywhere the militant type has sharplymarked social gradations as it has sharply-marked military gradations. Corresponding to this natural government there is a like form of supernatural government. I do not mean merely that in the ideal other-worlds of militant societies, the ranks and powe):s are conceived as like those of the real world around, though this also is to be noted; but I refer to the militant character of the religion.
PF 2 680 THE INDUCTIONS Of SOCIOLOOT* Ever in antagonism witli other societios, the life is a life of enmity and the religion a religion of enmity. The duty of blood-revenge^ most sacred of all with the savage^ continues to be the dominant duty as the militant type of society eyolves. The chiefs banlked of his vengeance^ dies enjoining his successors to avenge him; his ghost is propitiated by fulfilment of his commands; the slaying of his enemies becomes the highest action; trophies are brought to his grave in token of fulfilment; and, as tradition grows, he becomes the god worshipped with bloody sacrifices. Everywhere we find evidence. The Fijians offer the bodies of their victims killed in war to the gods before cooking them. In Dahomey, where the militant type is so far developed that women are warriors, men are almost daily sacrificed by the monarch to please his dead father; and the ghosts of old kings are invoked for aid in war by blood sprinkled on their tombs. The war-god of the Mexicans (originally a conqueror), tiie most revered of their gods, had his idol fed with human flesh: wars being undertaken to supply him with victims.
And similarly in Peru, where there were habitual human sacrifices, men taken captive were immolated to the father of the Yncas, the Sun. How militant societies of old in the East similarly evolved deities who were similarly pi*opitiated by bloody rites, needs merely indicating. Habitually their mythologies represent gods as conquerors; habitually their gods are named ''the strong one,^' ''the destroyer,'' "the avenger," " god of battles," " lord of hosts,'' " man of war," and so forth. As we read in Assyrian inscriptions, wars were commenced by their alleged will; and, as we read elsewhere, peoples were massacred wholesale in professed obedience to them. How its theological government, like its political government, is essentially military, we see even in late and qualified forms of the militant type; for down to the present time absolute subordination, like that of soldier to commander, is the supreme virtae, and disobedience the crime for which eternal torture is throat- 80CIAL TYPES AND CONSTirUTTONB. 581 ened. Similarly with the accompanying ecclesias.
tical organization. Very generally where the militant type is highly deyeloped^ the political head and ecclesiastical head are identical — ^the king, chief descendant of his ancestor who has become a god, is also chief propitiator of him. It was so in Ancient Peru; and in Tezcuco and Tlacopan (Mexico) the high-priest was the king's second son. The Egyptian wall-paintings show ns kings performing sacrifices; as do also the Assyrian. Babylonian records harmonize with Hebrew traditions in telling ns of priest-kings. In Lydia it was the same: Croesns was king and priest. In Sparta, too, the kings, while military chiefs, were also high priests; and a trace of the like original relation existed in Bome. A system of subordination essentially akin to the military, has habitually characterized the accompanying priesthoods. The Fijians have an hereditary priesthood forming a hierarchy. In Tahiti, where the high-priest was royal, there were grades of hereditary priests belonging to each social rank. In Ancient Mexico the priesthoods of different gods had different ranks, and there were three ranks within each priesthood; and in Ancient Pern, besides the royal chief priest, there were priests of the conquering race set over Various classes of inferior priests. A like type of structure, with subjection of rank to rank, has characterized priesthoods in the ancient and modem belligerent societies of the Old World. The like mode of government is traceable throughout the sustaining organization also, so long as the social type remains predominantly militant. Beginning with simple societies in which the slave-class furnishes the warriorclass with necessaries of life, we have already seen that during subsequent stages of evolution the industrial part of the society continues to be essentially a permanent commissariat, existing solely to supply the needs of the governmental-military structures, and having left over for itself only enough for bare maintenance. Hence the develop- 582 THi nn>ucmoH8 of socioloot.
ment of political regnlation over its activities^ has be^n in fact the extension tlironghont it of that military rule which, as a permanent commissariat, it naturally had. An extreme instance is famished ns by the Ancient Pemyians^ whose political and industrial goyemments were identical — whose kinds and quantities of labour for every class in every locality, were prescribed by laws enforced by state officers — who had work legally dictated even for their young children, their blind, and their lame, and who were publicly chastised for idleness: regimental discipline being applied to industry just as our modem advocate of strong government would have it now. The late Japanese system, completely military in origin and nature, similarly permeated industry: great and small things — ^houses, ships, down even to mats — were prescribed in their structures. In the warlike monarchy of Madagascar the artizan classes are all in the employ of government, and no man can change his occupation or locality, under pain of death. Without multiplication of cases, these typical ones, reminding the reader of the extent to which even in modem fighting states industrial activities are officially reg^ated, will sufficiently show the principle. Not industry only, but life at large, is, in militant societies, subject to kindred discipline. Before its recent collapse the government of Japan enforced sumptuary laws on each class, mercantile and other, up to the provincial governors, who must rise, dine, go out, give audience, and retire to rest at prescribed hours; and the native literature specifies regulations of a scarcely credible minuteness. In Ancient Peru, officers '^ minutely inspected the houses, to see that the man, as well as his wife, kept the household in proper order, and preserved a due state of discipline among their children "; and householders were rewarded or chastised accordingly. Among the Egyptians each person had, at fixed intervals, to report to a local officer his name, abode, and mode of living. Sparta, too> yields SOCIAL TTFE8 AND OOXTSTITUTIOVS. 688 an example of a society specially organized for offence and defence, in which the private conduct of citizens in all its details was under public control enforced by spies and censors. Though regulations so storingent hare not characterized the militant type in more recent ages, yet we need but recall the laws regulating food and dress, the restraints on locomotion, the prohibitions of some games and dictation of others, to indicate the parallelism of principle. Even now where the military orgauization has been kept in vigour by military activities, as in France, we are shown by the peremptory control of journals and suppression of meetings, by the regimental uniformity of education, by the official administration of the fine arts, the way in which its characteristic regulating system ramifies everywhere. And then, lastly, is to be noted the theory concerning the relation between the State and the individual, with its accompanying sentiment. This structure which adapts a society for combined action against other societies, is associated with the belief that its members exist for the benefit of the whole and not the whole for the benefit of its members. As in an army the liberty of the soldier is denied and only his duty as a member of the mass insisted on; as in a permanently encamped army like the Spartan nation, the laws recognized no personal interests, but patriotic ones only; so in the militant type throughout, the claims of the unit are nothing and the claims of the aggregate everything. Absolute subjection to authority is the supreme virtue and resistance to it a crime. Other offences may be Tondoned, but disloyalty is an unpardonable offence. If we take the sentiments of the sanguinary Fijians, among whom loyalty is so intense lliat a man stands unbound to be knocked on the head, himself saying that what the king wills must be done; or those of the Dahomans, among whom the highest officials are the kin^s slaves, and on his decease his women sacrifice one another that they may all follow him; or those of the Ancient Peruvians, among whom with a dead 584 THi nfBucnoNS or socioloot.
Ynca^ or great coraca, were buried alive Ids fayonrite attendants and wives tliat they might go to serve him in the other world; or those of the Ancient Persians^ among whom a father, seeing his innocent son shot by the king in pure wantonness, '^ felicitated '' the king ''on the excellence of his archery,'^ and among whom bastinadoed subjects ''declared themselves delighted because his majesty had condescended to recollect them"; we are sufficiently shown that in this social type, the sentiment which prompts the assertion of personal rights in opposition to the ruling power, scarcely exists.
Thus the trait characterizing the militant structure throughout, is that its units are coerced into their various combined actions. As the soldier's will is so suspended that he becomes in everything the agent of his officer's will; so is the will of the citizen in all transactions, private and public, overruled by that of the government. The co-operation by which the life of the militant society is maintained, is a compulsory co-operation. The social structure adapted for dealing with surrounding hostile societies is under a centralized regulating system, to which all the parts are completely subject; just as in the individual organism the outer organs are completely subject to the chief nervous centw.
§ 26(y. The traits of the industrial type have to be generalized from inadequate and entangled data. Antagonism more or less constant with other societies, having been almost everywhere and always the condition of each society, a social structure fitted for offence and defence exists in nearly all cases, and disguises the structure which social sustentation alone otherwise originates. Such conception as may be formed of it has to be formed from what we find in the few simple societies that have been habitually peaceful, and in the advanced compound societies which, though once habitually militant, have become gradually less so.
Abeady I have referred to the chiefless Arafuras, living SOCIAL T7PIS AKD COKSTmmONS. 585 Id "peace and brotherly love witih one another/* of whom we are told that ''they recognize the rights of property in the fullest sense of the word^ without there being any authority among them than the decisions of their elders^ according to the customs of their forefathers *': that is, there has grown up a recognition of mutual claims and personal rights, with yoluntary submission to a tacitlyelected representatiye government formed of the most experienced. Among the Todas who " lead a peaceful, tranquil life/' disputes are *' settled either by arbitration'* or by '' a council of five.'' The amiable Bodo and Dhimals, said to be wholly umnilitary, display an essentially-free social form. They have nothing but powerless head men, and are without slaves or servants; but they give mutual assistance in clearing ground and house-buildinig: there is voluntary exchange of services — giving of equivalents of labour. The Mishmis again, described as quiet, inoffensive, not warlike, and only occasionally uniting in self-defence, have scarcely any political organization. Their village conmiunities under merely nominal chiefs acknowledge no common chief of the tribe, and the rule is democratic: crimes are judged by an assembly. Naturally few, if any, cases occur in which societies of this type have evolved into larger societies without passing into the militant type; for, as we have seen, the consolidation of simple aggregates into a compound aggregate habitually results from war, defensive or offensive, which, if continued, evolves a centralized authority with its coercive institutions. The Pueblos, however, industrious and peaceful agriculturists, who, building their unique villages, or compound houses containing 2,000 people, in such ways as to ''wiJl out black barbarism," fight only when invaded, show us a democratic form of government: '' the governor and his council are elected annually by the people." The case of Samoa, too, may be named as showing to some extent how, in one of these compound communities where the warlike 686 THi iNDtJcnoiro or sociologt.
activity is now not considerable, decline in the rigiditj of political control has gone along with some eYolntion oi the industrial tjrpe. Chiefs and minor heads, partly hereditary partly elective, are held responsible for the conduct of affairs; there are village-parliaments and district-padiaments. Along with this we find a considerably-developed sustaining organization separate from the political — ^masten who have apprentices, employ jonmeymen, and pay wages; and when payment for work is inadequate, there are even strikes upheld by a tacit trades-unionism. Passing to more evolved societies it must be observed, first, that the distinctive traits of the industrial type do not become marked, even where the industrial activity is oonsideiable, bo long as the industrial government remains identified with the political. In Phoenicia, for example, '^ the foreign wholesale trade seems to have belonged mostly to the state, the kings, and the nobles. # « # Ezekiel describes the king of Tyrus as a prudent commercial prince, who finds out the precious metals in their hidden seats, enriches himself by getting them, and increases these riches by further traffic."
Clearly, where the political and military heads have thus themselves become the heads of the industrial organization, the traits distinctive of it are prevented from showing themselves. Of ancient societies to be named in connexion with the relation between indastrial activities and free institutions, Athens will be at once thought of j and, by contrast with other Ghreek states, it showed this relation as clearly as can be expected. Up to the time of Solon all these communities were under either oligarchs or despots. The rest of them, in which war continued to be the honoured occupation while industry was despised, retained this political type; but in Athens, where industry was regarded with comparative respect, where it was encouraged by Solon, and where immigrant artizans found a home, there commenced an industrial organization whidi, gradually growing, distinguished the Athenian sociefy SOCIAL TTPXS AND OOKSTTTirnOKS. 587 from adjacent societies, as it was distinguislied from them by those democratic institations that simnltaneously de« veloped. Taming to later times, the relation between a social regime predominantly industrial and a less coercive form of role, is shown us by the Hanse Towns, by the towns of the Low Conntries out of which the Datch Bepnblic arose, and in high degrees by ourselves, by the United States, and by our colonies. Along with wars less frequent and these carried on at a distance; and along with an accompanying growth of agriculture, manufactures, and commerce, beyond that of continental states more military in habit; there has gone in England a development of free institutions. As farther implying that the two are related as cause and consequence, there may be noted the fact that the regions whence changes towards greater political liberty have come, are the leading industrial regions; and that rural districts, less characterized by constant trading transactions, have retained longer the earlier type with its appropriate sentiments and ideas. In the form of ecclesiastical government we see parallel changes. Where the industrial activities and structures evolve, this branch of the regulating system, no longer as in the militant type a rigid hierarchy, little by little loses strength, while there grows up one of a different kind: sentiments and institutions both relaxing. Bight of private judgment in religious noatters gradually establishes itself along with establishment of political rights. In place of a uniform belief imperatively enforced, there come multiform beliefs voluntarily accepted; and the ever-multiplying bodies espousing these beliefs, instead of being governed despotically, govern themselves after a manner more or less repre* sentative. Military conformity coercively maintained gives place to a varied non-conformity maintained by willing union. The industrial organization itself, which thus as it becomes predominant affects all the rest, of course shows us in an especial degree this change of structure.
588 THE INDUCTIONS OF 80CIOLOOT.
From tlie primitive predatory condition under which the master maintains slaves to work for him, there is a transition through stages of increasing freedom to a condition like onr own, in which all who work and employ, bnv and sell, are entirely independent; and in which there is an unchecked power of forming associations that rule themselves on democratic principles. Combinations of workmen and counter-combinations of employers, no less than political societies and leagues for carrying on this or that agitation, show us the representative mode of government; which characterizes also every joint-stock company for mining, banking, railway-making, or other commercial enterprise. Further we see that as in the predatory type the military mode of regulation ramifies into all minor departments of social activity, so here does the industrial mode of regulation. Multitudinous objects are achieved by spontaneously-evolved combinations of citizens governed representatively. The tendency to this kind of prganization is so ingrained that for every proposed end the proposed means is a society ruled by an elected committee headed by an elected chairman — philanthropic associations of multitudinous kinds, literary institutions, libraries, clubs, bodies for fostering the various sciences and arts, etc., etc. Along with all which traits there go sentiments and ideas concerning the relation between the citizen and the State, opposite to those accompanying the militant type. In place of the doctrine that the duty of obedience to the governing agent is unqualified, there arises the doctrine that the will of the citizens is supreme and the governing agent exists merely to carry out their will. Thus subordinated in authority, the regulating power is also restricted in range. Instead of having an authority extending over actions of all kinds, it is shut out from large classes of actions. Its control over ways of living in respect to food, clothing, amusements, is repudiated; it is not allowed to dictate modes of production nor SOCIAL TYPES AND CONSTITUTIONS. 589 to regulate trade. Nor is tlds all. It becomes a daty to resist irresponsible goyemment, and also to resist the excesses of responsible goyemment. There arises a tendency in minorities to disobey eyen the legislature deputed by the majority, when it interferes in certain ways; and their oppositions to laws they condemn as inequitable, from time to time cause abolition of them. With which changes of political theory and accompanying sentiment, is joined a belief, implied or ayowed, that the combined actions of the social aggregate haye for their end to maintain the conditions under which indiyidual Uyes may be satisfactorily carried on; in place of the old belief that indiyidual liyes haye for their end the maintenance of this aggregate's combined actions.
These peryading traits in which the industrial type differs so widely from the militant type, originate in those relations of indiyiduals implied by industrial actiyities, which are wholly unlike those implied by militant actiyities. All trading transactions, whether between masters and workmen, buyers and sellers of commodities, or professional men and those they aid, are effected by free exchange. For some benefit which A's occupation enables him to giye, B willingly yields up an equiyalent benefit: if not in the form of something he has produced, then in the form of money gained by his occupation. This relation, in which the mutual rendering of seryices is unforced and neither indiyidual subordinated, becomes the predominant relation throughout society in proportion as the industrial actiyities predominate. Daily determining the thoughts and sentiments, daily disciplining all in asserting their own claims while forcing them to recogniase the correlatiye claims of others, it produces social units whose mental structures and habits mould social arrangements into corresponding forms. There results this type characterized throughout by that same indiyidual freedom which eyery commercial transaction implies. The co-operation by which the multi- 690 THE iKDucnoNa or aoaoLooT.
form activities of the sooiety are carried on, beoomes a voluntary co-operation. And while the deyeloped snstaiiiing system which gires to a' social organism the industrial typ^ acquires for itself, like the deyeloped sustaining system of an animal, a regalating apparatus of a diffused or on* centralized kind; it tends also to decentralize the primary regulating apparatus, by making it deriye from more numerous classes its deputed powers.
§ 261. Necessarily the essential traits of these two social types are in most cases obscured, both by the antecedents and by the co-existing circumstances. Every society has been at each past period, and is at present, conditioned in a way more or less unlike the ways in which others have been and are conditioned. Hence the production of structures characterizing one or other of these opposed types, is, in every instance, furthered, or hindered, or modified, in a special manner. Observe the several kinds of causes.
There is, first, the deeply-organized character of the particular race, coming down from those pre-historic times during which the diffusion of mankind and differentiation of the varieties of man, took place. Yerydifficult to change, this must in every case qualify differently the tendency towards assumption of either type.
There is, next, the effect due to the immediately-preceding mode of life and social type. Nearly always the society webave to study contains decayed institutions and habits belonging to an ancestral society otherwise circumstanced; and these pervert more or less the effects of circumstances then existing.
Again, there are the peculiarities of the habitat in respect of contour, soil, climate, flora, fauna, severally affecting in one mode or other the activities, whether znilitant or industrial; and severally hindering or aiding, in somo special way, the development of either type. Yet further, there are the complications caused by the SOCIAL TTPXO AND CONSTITUTIONS. 691 particular organizations and practices of snrroanding societies. For^ supposing the amount of offensiTe or defensive action to be the same, the nature of it depends in each case on the nature of the antagonist action; and hence its reactive effects on structure vary with the character of the antagonist. Add to this that direct imitation of adjacent societies is a factor of some moment.
There remains to be named an element of complication more potent perhaps than any of these — one which of itself often goes far to determine the type as militant, and which in every case profoundly modifies the social arrange* ments. I refer to the mixture of races caused by conquest or otherwise. We may properly treat of it separately under the head of social constitution — ^not, of course, constitution politically understood, but constitution understood as referring to the relative homogeneity or heterogeneity of the units constituting the social aggregate.
§ 262. Inevitably as the nature of the aggregate, partially determined by environing conditions, is in other respects determined by the natures of its units, where its units are of diverse natures the degrees of contrast between the two or more kinds of them, and the degrees of union batween them, must greatly affect the results. Are they of unallied races or of races near akin; and do they remain separate or do they mix 7 If units of two kinds are joined in the same society, their respective tendencies to evolve structures more or lass unlike in character, must modify the product. And the spjcial modification will in every case further or hinder the evolution of one or the other social type. Clearly where it has happened that a conquering race, coatinuing to govern a subject race, has developed the militant regulating system throughout the whole social structure, and for ages habituated its units to compulsory co-operation — ^where it has also happened that the correla- 692 TRl INBUCTIOVB OF SOCIOLOOT.
tive ecclesiastical system with its appropriate cult^ has given to absolute sabordination the religions sanction — and especially where, as in China, each indiWdual is moulded by the governing power and stamped with the appropriate ideas of duty which it is heresy to question; it becomes impossible for any considerable change to be wrought in the social structure by other influences. It is the law of all organization that as it becomes complete it becomes rigid.
Only where incompleteness implies a remaining ph^ticity, is it possible for the type to develop from the original predatory form to the form which industrial activity generates. Especially where the two races, contrasted in their natures, do not mix, social co-operation implies a compulsory regulating system: the military form of structure which the dominant impose, ramifies throughout. Ancient Peru furnished an extreme case; and the Ottoman empire may be instanced. Social constitutions of this kind, in which aptitudes for forming unlike structures coexist, are manifestly in states of unstable equilibrium. Any considerable shock dissolves the organization; and in the absence of unity of tendency, re-establishment of it is difficult if not impossible. In cases where the conquering and conquered, though widely unlike, intermarry extensively, a kindred effect is produced in another way. The conflicting tendencies towards different social types, instead of existing in separate individuals, now exist in the same individual. The half-caste, inheriting from one line of ancestry proclivities adapted to one set of institutions, and from the other line of ancestry proclivities adapted to another set of institutions, is not fitted for either.
He is a unit whose nature has not been moulded by any social type, and therefore cannot, with others like himself, evolve any social type. Modem Mexico and the South American Republics, with their perpetual revolutions, show us the result. It is observable, too, that where races