And now if, with those early stages in which the rudimentary industrial organization is ruled by the chief, and with those intermediate stages in which, as it develops, it J gets a partially-separate political control^ we contrast a late stage like our own^ characterized by an industrial organization that has become predominant^ we find that this has evolved for itself a substantially-independent control. There is now no fixing of prices by the State^ no prescribing of methods. Subject to but slight hindrance from a few licences, citizens adopt what occupations they please; buy and sell where they please. The amounts grown and manu* factured, imported and exported, are unregulated by laws; improvements are not enforced nor bad processes legislatively interdicted; but men, carrying on their businesses as they think best, are simply subject to the legal restraints that they shall fulfil their contracts and not aggress upou their neighbours. Under what system, then, are their industrial - activities adjusted to the requirements f Under an intemuncial system through which the various industrial structures receive from one another stimuli or checks caused by rises or falls in the consumptions of their respective products; and through which they jointly receive a stimulus when there is suddenly an extra consumption for war-purposes. Markets in the chief towns, where bargaining settles the prices of grain and cattle, of cottons and woollens, of metals and coal, show men the vaiying relations of supply and demand; and the reports of their transactions, diffused by the press, prompt each locality to increase or decrease of its special function. Moreover, while the several districts have their activities thus partially regulated by their local centres of business, the metropolis, where all these districts are represented by houses and agencies, has its central markets and its exchange, in which is efEected such general averag^g of the respective demands of all kinds, present and future, as keeps a due balance among the activities of the several industries. That is to say, there has arisen, in addition to the political*regulating system, an industrial regulating system which carries on its co-ordinating function independently — ^a separate plexus of connected ganglia.
666 THX INDnCTIONS OF SOCIOLOOT.
As aboTe hinted, yet a third regnlating system, partiaUy distinguishable from the others, arises in both cases. For the prompt adjustment of functions to needs, supplies of Hbe required consumable matters must be rapidly drafted to Hbe places where activities are set up. If an organ in the individual body or in the body politic, suddenly called into great action, could get materials for its nutrition or its secretion, or both, only through the ordinary quiet flow of the distributing currents, its enhanced action would soon flag. That it may continue responding to the increased demand, there must be an extra influx of the materials used in its actions — it must have credit in advance of function discharged. In the individual organism this end is achieved by the vaso-motor nervous system. The fibres of this ramify everywhere along with the arteries, which they enlarge or contract in conformity with stimuli sent along them. The general law, as discovered by Ludwig and Lov&n, is that when by the nerves of sensation there is sent inwards that impression which accompanies the activity of a part, there is reflected back to the part, along its vasomotor nerves, an influence by which its minute arteries are suddenly dilated; and at the same time, through the vasomotor nerves going to all inactive parts, there is sent an influence which slightly constricts the arteries supplying them: thus diminishing the flow of blood where it is not wanted, that the flow may be increased where it is wanted. In the social organism, or rather in such a developed social organism as our own in modem times, this kind of regulation is efEected by the system of banks and associated financial bodies which lend out capital. When a local industry, called into unusual activity by increased consumption of its products, makes demands first of all on local banks, these, in response to the impressions caused by the rising activity conspicuous around them, open more freely those channels for capital which they command; and presently, with further rise of prosperity, the impression . THX RXOULATING SYSTEM. 667 propagated to the financial oentres in London produces an extension of the local credit, so that there takes place a dilatation of the in-flowing streams of men and commodities. While, at the same time, to meet this local need for capital, yarions industries elsewhere, not thus excited, and therefore not able to offer such good interest, get diminished supplies: some constriction of the circulation through them takes place. This third regulating system, observe, Taso-motor in the one case and monetary in the other, is substantially independent. Evidence exists that there are local vaso-motor centres possessing local control, as there are local monetary centres; and though there seems to be in each case a chief centre, difficult to distinguish amid the other regulating structures with which it is entangled, yet it is functionally separate. Though it may be bound up with the chief regulating system by which outer actions are controlled, it is not subject to it. Volition in the one case cannot alter these local supplies of blood; and legislation in the other, ceasing to make the mischievous perturbations it once did in the movement of capital, now leaves it almost entirely alone: even the State, with the structures under its direct control, standing to the financial corporations in the position of a customer, just as the brain and limbs do to the vaso-motor centres. Nor does it form part of that second regulating system which controls the organs carrying on sustentation, individual or social. The viscera get blood only by permission of these nerves commanding their arteries, and if the outer organs are greatly exerted, the supply is shut ofE from the inner organs; and similarly the industrial system, with that centralized apparatus which balances its actions, cannot of itself draft capital here or there, but does this indirectly only through the impressions yielded by it to Lombard-street.
r r § 255. Thus the increasing mutual dependence, common to both kinds of organization as they evolve, necessitates 568 THE INDUCTIONS 09 SOCIOLOOY.
a farther series of remarkable paraHelismR. Oo-operation being in either case impossible without appliances by which the co-operating parts shall have their actions adjusted, it inevitably happens that in the body politic, as in the livings body, there arises a regulating system; and within itself this difEerentiates as the sets of organs evolve.
The co-operation most urgent from the outset, is thai required for dealing with environing enemies and prey* Hence the first regulating centre, individual and social, is initiated as a means to this co-operation; and its deve* lopment progresses with the activity of this co-operation. As compound aggregates are formed by integration of simple ones, there arise in either case supreme regulating centres and subordinate ones; and the supreme centres begin to enlarge and complicate. While doubly-compound and trebly-compound aggregates show us further developments in complication and subordination, they show us, also, better intemuncial appliances, ending in those which convey instant information and instant command.
To this chief regulating system controlling the organs which carry on outer actions, there is, in either case, added daring the progress of evolution, a reg^ulating system for the iimer orgaM carrying on sustentation j and this g«dnaUy establishes itself as independent* Naturally it comes later than the other. Preservation of the aggregate, individual or social, primarily depends on escaping destruction fiom without, which implies complex oo-ordination: complete utilization of materials for sustentation being less urgent and implying co-ordinaiion relatively simple. Hence ilie sustaining system acquires reg^ulating appliances later* And then the third or distributing system, which, though necessarily arising after the others is indispensable to the considerable development of them, eventually gets a regulating apparatus peculiar to itself.
CHAPTER X.
SOCIAL TTFES AND 00NSTITUTI0K9.
$ 256. A QLANCB at the respective antecedents of individual organisms and social organisms^ shows why the last admit of no such definite classification as the first. Through a thousand generations a species of plant or animal leads Bubstantiallj the same kind of life; and its successive mem« bers inherit the acquired adaptations. When changed conditions cause divergences of forms once alike^ the accumulating differences arising in descendants only superficially disguise the original identity-— do not prevent the grouping of the several species into a genus; nor do wider diver* gences that began earlier^ prevent the grouping of genera into orders and orders into classes. It is otherwise with societies. Hordes of primitive men, dividing and subdividing, do, indeed, show us successions of small social aggregates leading like Uves, inheriting such low structures as had resulted, and repeating those structures. But higher social aggregates propagate their respective types in much less decided ways. Though colonies tend to grow like their parents, yet the parent societies are so comparatively plastic, and the infiuences of new habitats on the derived societies are so great, that divergences of structure are inevitable. In the absence of definite organizations established during the similar lives of many societies de- 570 THS INDUCnOKS OF 80CIOLOGT.
Boending one from anotber, there cannot be the precise distinctions implied by complete classification.
Two cardinal kinds of differences there are^ however, of which we may avail ourselves for grouping societies in a natoral manner. Primarily we may arrange them according to their degprees of composition, as simple, compound^ doubly - compound, trebly- compound; and secondarily, though in a less specific way, we may divide them into the predominantly militant and the predominantly industrial— those in which the organization for offence and defence is most largely developed, and those in which the sustaining organization is most largely developed.
§ 257. We have seen that social evolution begins with small simple aggregates; that it progresses by the clustering of these into larger aggregates; and that after consolidating^ such clusters are united with others like themselves into still larger aggregates. Our classification, then, must begin with societies of the first or simplest order.
We cannot in all cases say vnth precision what constitutes a simple society; for, in common with products of evolution generally, societies present transitional stages which negative sharp divisions. As the multiplying members of a group spread and diverge gradually, it is not always easy to decide when the groups into which they fall become distinct. Here the descendants of common ancestors inhabiting a barren region, have to divide while yet the constituent families are near akin; and there, in a more fertile region, the group may hold together until clusters of &milies remotely akin are formed: clusters which, diffusing slowly, are held by a •common bond that slowly weakens. By and by comes the.complication arising from the presence of slaves not of the same ancestry, or of an ancestry but distantly allied; and 'these, though they may not be political units, must be re^ cognized as units sociologically considered. Then there i9 the kindred complication arising where an invading tribe SOCIAL TTPE8 AND OONSTirUTlONS.
becomes a dominant class. Our only oonrse is to regard as a simple society^ one whicli forms a single working whole nnsnbjected to any other, and of which the parts co-operate, with or without a regulating centre, for certain public ends. Here is a table, presenting with as much definiteness as may be, the chief divisions and sub-divisions of such simple societies.
'i^ofmM{(0.'^-(himting) FnegianB, some Australians, Wopd-Veddahs, Bushmen, Chepaugs and KuBundas of Nepal ' HVADLBSS. ( O Send'ietiM: — most Esqnimanx.
SeUUd.'^AjntajnB, Land Djaks of Upper Sarawak Biver.
OQ (Namadio: — (hunting) some Australians, Tasmanians. 5«m-^ri«l.^-«omeCaribs. Settled: — Some Uaupes of the upper Bio Negro.
Namadie: — (hunting) Andamanese, Abipones, Snakes, Chippewayans, (pastoral) some Bedouins.
Vaotte and Unstablb < hsadship.
8emi-$etiled;— some Esquimaux, Chinooks, Chippewas (&t present), some Kamtsohadales, Village Vedoahs, Bodo and Dhimils.
Settled.'—QxuBJM tribes, Mandans, Coxoados, New Guinea people, Tannese, Vateans, Djaks, Todaa, Nagas, Aaz^, Santals.
^ Settled: — Guaranis, Pueblos. On contemplating these uncivilized societies which^ though alike as being uncompounded^ differ iu their sizes and structures^ certain generally-associated traits may be noted* Of tlie groups wiAoal poHtiBJ with but die Tignert tnoes of it, die lowert sre ilHwe small wmof3e$mg ones wfakh Kre oa Ae vild food gpstsdy disfaribaled in totvnim, orer bsnoi tncte, or slong nrn nliim w Wliere smsfl simple societies lensmi widumt dudb tlioii^ iefcded, it is whise ciroiinistBiioes sllow them to be lislnftiid peseefoL Gkodng down the tsUe we find ressonior inferring that the dianges firom the banting life to the pastoral, and from the pastoral to the sgricahoraly &Toar increase of population, the derdopmeot of political oiganiaation, of indostrisl orgamzation, snd of die aits; thongh these do not of themsdres prodnoe these resoltB.
{Nawtadie: — (putoni) SstOed.^ andpaatord^ rNomadid: — ^mtn _ Ckmuuidies, (pauBtoral) KrimncVg, ( UntTABLB. UXiDtHIP. ^ 5Mii-#^<M ^-OsiyakB, Belachis, Kulda^ Bhils. Congo-people (paasiiig into donUy compowMQ, Teutons before 5th oentniy.
Settled: — Cbippewae (in past times), Greeks, Mnndmcns. Tapis, Ehonds, some New Guinea people, Smnatrans, Malagasy (till recently). Coast Negroes, Inland I^egroes, some A^^asinians, Homeric Greeks, Kingdoms of the Heptarchy. Teutons in 6th centory, Fiefs of 10th centozy.
Stabui J Settled;— Uauptfs, Fijians (when first visitedX New \ Headship.
Zealanders, Sandwich Islanders (in Cook's time), Jayans, Hottentots, Dahomans, Ashantees, some Abyssinians, Ancient Yucatanese, New Granada >eople, Honduras people, Chibi^bas, some town aos.
SOCIAL TTPBS AND COKSTITUTIONS. 673 The second table, given on the preceding page, contains societieB which haye passed to a slight extent, or considerably, or wholly, into a state in which the simple groups haye their several governing heads subordinated to a general head. The stability or instability alleged of the headship in these cases, refers to the headship of the composite gronp, and not to the headships of the simple groups. As might be expected, stability of this compound headship becomes more marked as the original unsettled state passes into the completely settled state: the nomadic life obviously making it dijScult to keep the heads of groups subordinate to a general head. Though not in all cases ac companied by considerable- organization, this coalescence evidently conduces to organization. The completely-settled compound societies are mostly characterized by division into ranks, four, five, or six, clearly marked oS; by established ecclesiastical arrangements; by industrial structures that show advancing division of labour, general and local; by buildings of some permanence clustered into places of some size; and by improved appliances of life generally.
In the succeeding table are placed societies formed by the re-compounding of these compound groups, or in which many governments of the types tabulated above have become subject to a still higher government. The first notable fact is that these doubly-compound societies are all completely settled. Along with their greater integration we see in many cases, though not uniformly, a more elaborate and stringent political organization. Where complete stability of political headship over these doubly-compound societies has been established, there is mostly, too, a developed ecclesiastical hierarchy. While becoming more complex by division of labour, the industrial organization has in many cases assumed a caste structure. To a greater or less extent, custom has passed into positive law; and religious observances have grown definite, rigid, and complex* 574 TBI IHDUCnOHB Of 80CIOL0OT.
Towhb and roads haTe become general; and considerable progress in knowledge and the arts has taken place.
OQ s Unstabub HXAMHIP.
6HiM: — Tahitians, Tongans, JaTans (occasionallj), F^jians (sinoe fire-arms), Malagasy (in reoent times), Athemaa Confederacj, Spartan Confederacy, Tentonio Kingdoms frcm 0th to 9th oentones, Qreatar Fim in Franoe of the ISth 8emi'$€ttUd >- Settled: — Iroquois, Araaoanians, Sandwich Islanders ( (since Cook's time), Ancient Vera Piaz and Bosota peoples, Gnatemaians, Ancient Pemvians, wahhabees (Arab), Omin (Arab), Ancient Egyptian Kingdom, England after the 10th century.
There remain to be added the great civilized nations which need no tabular form, since they mostly fall under one head — ^trebly compound. Ancient Mexico, the Assyrian Empire, the Egyptian Empire, the Roman Empire, Great Britain, France, (Germany, Italy, Russia, may severally be regarded as having reached this stage of composition, or perhaps, in some cases, a still higher stage. Only in respect of the stabilities of their governments may they possibly require classing apart — ^not their political stabilities in the ordinary sense, but their stabilities in the sense of continuing to be the supreme centres of these great aggregates. So defining this trait, the ancient trebly-compound societies have mostly to be classed as unstable; and of the modem, the Kingdom of Italy and the German Empire have to be tested by time.
As already indicated, this classification must not be taken SOCIAL TTPX8 AND CONSTITtmOKS. 576 as more ihan a rongli approximation to the trath. In some cases the data famished by travellers and others are in-, adequate; in some cases their accounts are conflicting; in some cases the composition is so far transitional that it is difficult to say under which of two heads it should come. Here the gens or the phratrj may be distinguished as a local community; and here these groups of near or remote kinsmen are so mingled with other such groups as practically to form parts of one community. Evidently the like combination of several such small communities, passing through stages of increasing cohesion, leaves it sometimes doubtful whether they are to be regarded as many or as one. And when, as with the larger social aggregates, there have been successive conquests, resulting unions, subsequent dissolutions, and re-unions otherwise composed, the original lines of structure become so confused or lost that it is difficult to class the ultimate product.
But there emerge certain generalizations which we may safely accept. The stages of compoundiug and re-compounding have to be passed through in succession. No tribe becomes a nation by simple growth; and no great society is formed by the direct union of the smallest societies. Above the simple group the first stage is a compound group inconsiderable in size. The mutual dependence of parts which constitutes it a working whole, cannot exist without some development of lines of intercourse and appliances for combined action; and this must be achieved over a narrow area before it can be achieved over a wide one. When a compound society has been consolidated by the co-operation of its component groups in war under a single head — when it has simultaneously differentiated somewhat its social ranks and industries, and proportionately developed its arts, which all of them conduce in some way to better co-operation, the compound society becomes practically a single one. Other societies of the same order, each having similarly reached a stage of organization alike required and made poesible hy this co-ordination of actions tlirooglioiit a larger maaa, now form bodies from which^ bj oonqoest or bj federation in war, maj be formed societies of ihe donbly-oomponnd type. The consolidation of these has again an accompanying adyance of organization distinctive of it — an organisation for which it affords the scope and which makes it practicable—an organization haying a higher complexity in its regolatiyei distribatiye, and indostrial systems. And at later stages, by kindred steps, arise the still larger aggpregates haying still more complex stmctores. In this order has social eyolation gone on, and only in this order does it appear to be possible. Whateyer imperf eo-> tions and incongruities the aboye classification has, do not hide these general facts— that there are societies of these different grades of composition; that those of the same grade haye general resemblances in their stmctores; and that they arise in the order shown.
§ 268. We pass now to the classification based on onlikenesses between the kinds of social activity which predominate, and on the resalting onlikenesses of organization. The two social types thns essentially contrasted are the militant and the industrial.
It is doubtless true that no definite separation of these can be made. Excluding a few simple g^nps such as the Esquimaux, inhabiting places where they are safe from invasion, all societies, simple and compound, are occasionally or habitually in antagonism with other societies; and, as we have seen, tend to evolve structures for carrying on offensive and defensive actions. At the same time sustentation is necessaiy; and there is always an organization, slight or decided, for achieving it. But while the two systems in social organisms, as in individual organ* isms, co-exist in all but the rudimentary forms, they vary immensely in the ratios they bear to one another. In some cases the structures carrying on external actions are largely SOCIAL TYPES AND CONSTITUTIONS. 577 developed; the sustaming system.exists solely for their benefit; and the activities are militant. In other cases there is predominance of the strnctnres carrying on sustentation; offensive and defensive structures are maintained only to protect them; and the activities are industrial. At the one extreme we have those warlike tribes which, subsisting mainly by the chase, make the appliances for dealing with enemies serve also for procuring food, and have sustaining systems represented only by their women, who are their slave-classes; while, at the other extreme we have the type, as yet only partially evolved, in which the agricultural, manufacturing, and commercial organizations form the chief part of the society, and, in the absence of external enemies, the appliances for offence and defence are either rudimentary or absent. Transitional as are nearly all the societies we have to study, we may yet clearly distinguish the constitutional traits of these opposite types, characterized by predominance of the outer and inner systems respectively.
Having glanced at the two thus placed in contrast, it will be most convenient to contemplate each by itself.
§ 259. As before pointed out, the militant type is one in which the army is the nation mobilized while the nation is the quiesceht army, and which, therefore, acquires a structure common to army and nation. We shall most clearly understand its nature by observing in detaeiil this parallelism between the military organization and the social organization at large.
Already we have had ample proof that centralized control is the primary trait acquired by every body of fighting men, be it horde of savages, group of brigands, or mass of soldiers. And this centralized control, necessitated during war, characterizes the government during peace. Among the uncivilized there is a marked tendency for the military chief to become also the political head (the medicine man p p 578 - THI mDUOIXUHS OI socioumt.
being Ids only competitor); and in a conquering race of sayages hiB political headahip becomea fixed. Among aemicivilized the oonqaering commander and the despotic king are the same; and they remain the same among the civilixed down to late times. The connexion is well shown where in the same racci we find a contrast in the habitual activities and in the forms of goremment. Thus the powers of the patriarchal chiefs of Kaffir tribes are not great; bat the Zolos, who haye become a oonqaering division of the Kaffirs, are onder an absolate monarch. Of advanced savages the Fijians may be named as well showing this relation between habitual war and despotic role: the persona Mid property of sabjects are entirely at the king's or chieFs disposal. We have seen that it is the same in the warlike African states, Dahomey and Ashantee. The Ancient Mexicans, again, whose highest profession was that of arms, and whose eligible prince became king only by feats in war, had an aatocratic government, which, according to Clavigero, became more stringent as the territory was enlarged by conqaest. Similarly, the unmitigated despotism under which the Peruvians lived, had been established during the spread of the Ynca conquests. And that race is not the cause, we are shown by this recarrence in Ancient America of a relation so familiar in ancient states of the Old World. The absolutefaess of a commander-in-chief goes along with absolute control exercised by his generals over their subordinates, and by their sobordinates over the men under them: all are slaves to those above and despots to those below. This structure repeats itself in the accompanying social arrangements. There are precise gpradations of rank in the community and complete submission of each rank to the ranks above it. We see this in the society already instanced as showing among advanced savages the development of the militant type.
In Fiji six classes are enumerated, from king down to slaves, as sharply marked off*. Similarly in Madagascar, whero SOCIAL TTPX8 AND OONSTITUTIONS. S79