Note XV. Page 37.
A precise definition of a Householder, as contradistinguished from an Inmate, would be requisite on this occasion as well as on the occasion of the Votemaking Certificate, as per Section 21.
This definition would be as necessary on the plan of those who approve of Householder Suffrage and no more, as on the plan of those who call for virtually Universal Suffrage. A Householder is one wlio pays Taxes. Good: but what Taxes? Taxes payable to the National Fond, such as those of late years called Assessed Taxes? or Taxes paid to local funds, such as Poor rates. Sac.? and what local funds in particular?
Under the existing system, in some Boroughs, every pot-wohbler, as tlie phrase is, is an Elector: every liaixitation in which a pot is boiled, gives a vote; and, in so far as this is admitted, the distinction between Householdership and Inniateship is obliterated. For, married or sin^e, where is the person who for such a purpose, may not have it in his power to boil a pot? if not of his own, a borrowed one.
But, with that exception, under the existing system, there is not (it is believed) in any House more than one Householder: namely, the one peraoa by whom all House-taxes are paid. Lodgers, though there be ever so many different families of them, pay House-taxes: heads and all other members of faniilies are indiscriminately styled Inmates.
not forgetting those who, under the name of blasphemy, are so eauer to draw down punishment, on the heads of all who, against that which for lucre they Uave made profession to believe, have written any thing which, in their opinion, cannot be sufficiently answered otherwise than by line and imprisonment.
So likewise Custom-House Oaths, and a vast vaiiety of other oaths prescribed by statutes.
Also Petty-Juj-ymen's Oaths:— oaths which are constantly violated by the minority, as oftea as any ultimate difference of opiniaa has place.
In this way the matter stands on a very simple footing: payment of the Taxes is secured; and thus the only object looked to is accomplished. But the same building which, at one time, is used only as an Out-house to a Dwelling House, is at another time inhabited, and used as a separate Dwelling House: and, whether it be for burthen or for benefit — for payment of taxes, or for giving a vote — it seems not easy to say, why a man's lot should be varied by circumstances so indeterminate and irrelevant.
So far as concerns taxes, it seems right enough: for a lodger pays to his Householder so much the more, on account of the Householder's bearing his (the Lodger's) share of the Taxes.
But, so far as concerns the right of suffrage, it seems difficult to say on what principle it should be confined to the person by whose hands the taxes are paid. The principle of property is hardly applicable: for nothing is more common than for the Lodger to be in better circumstances than the person by tvhom the Lodging is let.
In and by the course above submitted, any person might take upon himself to answer for the carrying the design into effect; and to describe such a course seemed to be the problem, the solution of which v. as called for by the nature of the case. Not but that, in a rough manner, it miglit perhaps be found not altogether impracticable to arrange the business, withont this process of Survey, Demarcation, and Registering of Habitations: and, if it were practicable, the saving in expense would be of no inconsiderable importance; — the saving in time, of incomparably greater importance. But, in that case likewise, the essential thing would be — that the direction of the process siiould be, the whole of it, in one hand: if committed to a number of hands, those, for instance, of so many local authorities, there would never be an end to it.
Numerous would be the adversaries: some open, some perhaps disguised under the masks of friends: against the artifices of these last in particular, it would have to secure itself. It is sufficiently known what sort of a reform every Whig reform is, that has ever been proposed in the character of a gradual reform: a gradual progress in doing nothwg. But, were it not for a warning such as this, Whigs, if pressed, might, if they thought they saw their account in it, give in to the proposition even of radical reform: and this, even in all its elements, without exception, they might accordingly support, up to a certain point of time, with very little danger of success. Among the local authorities, some would be in the confidence of the Whigs; others in that of the Tories: Whigs or Tories, on any such occasion, one thing they could find no difficulty in agreeing in; namely, to disagree without end.
One circumstance however there is, which is in favour of the business. The inquiry has for its object the knowing throughout who it is that has a right to vote. Among those who have the right, few, if any, will be desirous of losing it: and if they are, and lose it accordingly, there will be no harm done: nobody will have any injury to complain of. And, as to an Election-Master, it seems difficult to conceive, how, in the adjustment of a set of rights collectively indeed so important, but individually so small, he should be exposed to the action of any sinister interest, strong enough to turn his course aside from the path of rectitude.
Operator — saj', accordingly, upon ei'e\-y imaginable plan, operator in chief, one only, the Election-Master-General. Of his operation in Gi-eat Britain, the basis would be the Population Returns. In these he would see the Parishes contained in each division immediately subordinate to that into Counties. Within these limits, for determining relative positions, he would upon the rough plan now in question, have no other constant and SHre resource than whit could be afforded by already existing maps: the rest would be to be dojie by 'separate Idqniries. The Population Returns ef 1812 point out the persons to be resorted to, and tUe mode.
In Ireland, unfortnnately, the mass of those resources could not, it is apprehended, but be much more imperfect.
On any plan, District Offices, with their respective Office-bearers, could not be dispensed with. But, in any case, the expense need not be so great as at first sight it naigbt be imagined. For the Office, any Town that, in other respects, would be suitable, would furnish a Town Hall, a Market Honse, or some such public building. In the City of London, the Churches are applied to this purpose and without scruple. In case of need, even any Dwelling House niiglit serve. Where necessary, portable Hustings might be erected for the day at a very moderate expense. As to the Office-bearer, neither in the case of the District Clerk, nor in the case of the Sub-District Clerk, would much time be occupied. As to the District Clerk, he wonid have scarce any thing to do on any number of days in a year beyond one. In both instances the Official person would naturally be gome Country Attorney, For the Salary of the Polling District Clerk — the only one of the two upon whom there woulJ be a demand for any considerable part of his time — a hundred a year, or even less, might suffice. The Office would bring him into universal notice: with ordinary good behavjpur it would secure to him an ample stock of business.
In the case here supposed, the rights of siiffmge not being determined by reference to habitations previously ascertained, distinguished, and denominated,— the difficulty to be overcome, is that which might be liable to be produced '.)y influxes of itinerant voters, broucht together by accident withoiit design, or by mischievous design. Householder suffi-age might seem to obviate this. But, so as to exclude contestation and indefinite delay, how is it that for such a pur. pose the Households could be ascertained and distinguished? Without contestation or difficulty, in by far the greater p,>rt of the United Kingdom, perhaps, yes: still, in many parts, there might remain enough to produce a quantity of contestation, the result of which it seems not very easy to foresee. Witness tlie Irish Cottages.
Note (0 XVII. Pace 39.
(Length of Journeys.) Tiie journeys in question are — those between the abodes of the several voters on the one part, and the respective Polling Offices on the other.
That these jonrneys, with the expense and loss of time attending them, should be as short as general convenience in other respects will admit, is indisputably desirable. The shialler the Polling District, and the nearer the Office is to the central point of the District, the shorter, upon an average, will these journeys be. It, in regard to these points, namely, smallness and centrality of situation, these P»lling Districts are brought into a conformity with general convenience, — what the Election Districts are — the Election Districts in which the Polling Districts are respectively inch:ded — will, in these inspects, he matter of indifference. The extent of the Election District is determined by the quantity of population; and this, as neaily as convenience in other respects will admit, is to be the same in all. But, as in respect of density of population, the diffiirence between District and District will be so ^^ri tt — having for its limits the density ()f the pnpnlation in the purely Town D:stiicts, and the thinness of the population in (he thinnest peopled Country District — hence the difference in respect of extent will be proportionably great.
But, in the instance of each District, proportioned to its extent will be the number of the Pulling Offices, which, tor reducing the length of joinn^y-. will require to be establisiied in it. For this purpose, in the pun-Iy Town District, no Polling Office distinct from the Election District Office will be reijuiiiti'. — Dor does it appeal' why it should tor any other purpose. For, even upon th« universal suffrage plan, the greatest possible number of voters (it will be seen) would not be more tlian 5 or 6000; the customary number perhaps not more than three fourths or a half of that number: and, by addine; to the number of secret-selection Boxes, as per Section 8., an unlimited addition might be made t« the number of voters giving their votes at the same time.
Thus much as to tlie main consideration, by which the number of the Polling Districts in each Election District will require to be determined. As to the number, and in particular as to the nimiber which might require to be established in the most thinly peopled Election District, it is not possible to speak with any thing like decision, without a calculation, the labour of which would not here be paid for by the benefit. The only consideration, by which any limits can be set to the number, is that of the expense; and that unquestionably is DO trifling one.
Here then romes in a question, by what fund the expense shall be borne? Answer — By the National fund; not by any local one. Neither the benefit, nor the facility of supporting the burthen, is any greater in the most thinly peopled than in the moat densely peopled District: therefore neither should be the burthen itself, as expressed in pounds, shillings, and pence.
But though the exact extent of an Election District is thus far immaterial, it may be in some degree matter of satisfaction to the reader, to have in mind some general conception in relation to it. So likewise in relation to the (jiiantily of the population; a quantity which, us above observed, will not only want much of being determinate, but will moreover be as near the average in the least extensive as in the most extensive Districts. To this purpose, Mr. Rickman's masterly and most instructive Preliminary Explanations prefixed to th« Parliamentary Population Returns, printed in ISli?, for the use of the Members, afford lis onicb and very satisfactory information.
1. First, then, as to Great Britain.
1. Inhabitants in Great Britain (anno 1811) per do 12,353,000 3. Square miles in do, as per do 87,503 3. Divide inhabitants 12,353,000, by Seats 558, No. of inhabitants to a seat is, 22,137* 4. Divide square miles 87,502 by Seats, thence by Districts, 558, No. of square miles to a District is, 156 5. In a DislTict, greatest direct distance of any Habitation from the District Office, upon the supposition of its being in the centre of the circle in which the square is inscribed, is a fraction more than 8 miles 6 f.
, 6. Greatest travelling distance, on the supposition that to the above distance is to be added one>fourth more for the twinings and windings of roads, a fraction less than 11 m.
. 7. Greatest travelling distance, on the supposition that, by reason of want of exact centrality in a town sufficiently adapted to the purpose, there are in some Districts Habitations at a distance half as great again as the above from the District Office, a fraction more or less than 16 m. 4f.
* In the Congress House of Representatives, the proportion was, in 1810, one Representative to every 35,000 inhabitants: that is, if the whole territory were divided into Election Districts, 35,000 inhabitants to an Election District. —Seyfert, p. 13.
In the constitution of these United States, of which the Congress is the general legislative body, (date of the constitution, 17 September, 1787,) in speaking of the Congress House of Representatives, it is said: — " The number of Representatives (meaning from all the States taken together) shall not exceed •ne for every 30,000." Art 2, Section 2.
H But it is in Districts tliat are purely Town Districts, tliat a large prtiportion of tlie total population of Great Britain is contained. Of any sucli attempt, as tliat of ascertuining the exact proportion, by travcliiDf; for tliis purpose over the whole field of llie Parliamentary Returns, the use would not here pay for the labour. For aid to conception, let us assume a result, diti'ering pet haps not' very widely from the correct result, and suppose the h(tlf of the population to be contained in those Districts that are upon the purely Town scale. But in Districts so circumstanced, all taken together, the whole quantity of land is, in comparison of the whole quantity contained in the Country Districts so small, that for simplicity of calculation, it may, perhaps, on this occasion, without any error very material to this purpose, be considered as nothing, and left out of the account. This being done, the consequence would be, that, to find the aveiage number of square miles in a District, instead of dividing the whole number of square miles by the whole number, we should have to divide by no more than half the number of the Districts. On that supposition the lengths of utmost distance, as above mentioned, would be to be doubled. But, from the mimber of square miles in the most thinly peopled District, to the number in the most densely peopled District, the number would be descending in a regnlar series. This con-idered, instead of as large again, we may perhaps state the utmost length of journey, in that District which is the most thi.ily peopled and thence the most extensive, as being half as large again as tlie number above stated.
On this supposition, we shall have for this utmost length, 24m. 6 f.
Thus then comes in a topic, which, important as it is, could not have been touched upon in the text: namely, that of the injustice done, done by the Irish Union act, to Ireland, in respect of the proportionable number of the seats allotted to it. To Ireland, as to Great Britain, injustice in that or in any other shape could be done, and but too easily, under the system of disguised despotism:— could be done, and accordingly eras done. But, with any prospect of success, neither in that, nor in any other shape, could injustice, especially so flagrant and so palpable, be so much as proposed, in any proposed system of equal libertj'.
^lote that, at the Union with Scotland, the injustice was still more flagrant.
Now as to Ireland.
1. Inhabitants in Ireland, as per Playfaii-'s " Statistical Tables," anno 1800, and Pinkerton's " Geography," vol. i. p. 213, anno 1807, by conjecture, in round numbers, 4,000,000 2. From other accounts, that number being supposed to be rather under than over the mark, especially for the year of the'British population Returns, 1811, take, instead of it, the number which forms an exact third of the number of the inhabitants in Great Britain; namely, 4,114,33S 3. Divide inhabitants 4,114,333, by seafs 100, present actual number of inhabitants to a seat, neglecting fractions, is 41,143 4. Per Rickman, p. 30, " Scotland (with its islands) is about equal to Ireland in area, and is half as large as England and Wales." Supposing these dimensions correct, as they are sufficiently for the present purpose, say then square miles in England and Scotland taken together being 87,502, as above, square miles in Ireland are ^ 29,167 5. Divide square miles 29,167, by seats 100, No. of square miles in Ireland to a seat is, ggj Such are the existing proportions, as marked out by the Irish Union act, under the system of distribution actually in existence. Observe now what would be the proportions under a system of equal justice.
The population of Iieland being, as above, one-third of Great Britain, the number of s<=u<s allotted to Ireland ought to have been, and ought now to be, one-third of the number of those allotted to Great Britain.
1. No. of seats for Great Britain and Ireland taken together is 658 2. Instead of 658 take, for both together, the number which, being divisible by 3, is next above 658. This is 660 S. Proper share of Great Britain (three-fourths of 660) is accordingly — seats, instead of the present actual 558 495 4. Proper share of Ireland (one-fourtb of 660) is — seats, instead of the present actual 100 165 Anno 1707 (the year of the Scottish Union) Population of England, as per Rickman, from the Population Returns of 1812 5,240,000 Divide Inhabitants 5,240,000 by Seats 513, this gives, to a million of Inhabitants, Seats nearly 100 At that time the Population of Scotland could nothave been less than i,000,000 Seats for the million no more than 45 Note, on these occasions, as on all others, injustice, the continnally increasing offspring of uncontrouled power. At the Scottish Union, En<;Ian(! being strongest, was unjust to Scotland. At the Irish Union, England and Scotland together, being strongest, were unjnst to Ireland. But, Scotland being swallowed up in England, it is still to England that the honour of the injustice is due. On the Ocean, England prides herself in being unjust to other Nations — in exercising dominion over them: and this is another other honours. Lords of the Ocean indeed! This means Lords of all other men upon earth, whenever they come upon tlie Ocean. Out of our own country what right have we to be Lords over any other men any where? But the time is coming when rascality will be rascality every where: not less when manifested upon the largest scale, than when upon the smallest.
But (says somebody) is not this sowing dissension amongst the friends of reform? Sowing dissension, yes; so it would be, if, by shutting his own eyes, it were in a man's power to shut other men's: if by shutting their own eyes agains' injustice, when prepared to be committed to their advantage, it were in the power of Englishmen to shut the eyes of Scotchmen, — of Englishmen and Scotchmen together, to shut the eyes of Irishmen, — against injustice proposed to be committed to their disadvantage. But exists there any sort of mechanism capable of producing any such effect? I for my part know of none. Under the system of force and fraud, there is little difficulty in this; and practice insures, in a great degree, the success of it. Not so under a system of freedom and sincerity. In a case like this, I see not how, upon any tolerably promising grounds, a man can expect to receive justice, unless he begins with rendering it. For my part, I believe not that there either is, or can be, any scheme of political deception, that is not either already exposed, or in a way soon to be so. When a thing, that to me seems to be material, presents itself to my view, my notion always is — not that it will present itself to nobody else, but that it will present itself to every body else.
Though in Ireland there has not as yet been any enumeration of the people, nor has any guch survey been commenced, as that in which such considerable progress has already been made in Great Britain, yet, as in Ireland the quantity of surface is not more than about one-third of that in Great Britain, Ireland seems to be the country in which the conjunct operation might reasonably be expected to be soonest completed.
Note XVIIT. Page 41.
{This considered'] The formulary thus expressed is here substituted throughout to the Whereas which has beeu hitherto in use. Without the benefit of the addition made by it to the otherwise sufficient incomprehensibility of the rule es of action, the sentences in an Act of Parliament are snfBciently protracted qnd involved: with this addition, tiie attention is frequently exhausted before so much as any one expression of the le<;islator's will is so much as commenced. In Kuffhead's edition I remember seeing a statute, in which the preamble, introduced by this word, occupies more than 13 pages of that close and spacious letter press. Bound volumes might be found, each of which does not contain more than this preamble. I am sorry 1 can not now make reference to the statute. I am inclined to think it is one of those of which the East India Company was the subject.
In French legislation the sort of matter our lawyers introduce by a Whereas, has a particular name. The times before the Revilution are those which I have in view. It is called the Condderant oi the law. It exhibits the facts or supposed tacts, on the consideration of which, in the character of reasons, or inducements, the law, or portion of law, has been grounded. But, like our Whereas, this Cunsiderant used to precede the mention of the facts, and in the same way glue them together into one sentence. Leaving them to be set down before it one by one, the form here employed (it may be seen^ sets them free.
The enormous practical mischievou'sness of the customary formulary — the sinister interest, by which it has been hitherto rendered sacred — the grammatical circumstances by which the two modes of expressiou stand distinguished — the alliance, which, on this as on every other part of the field of law, has place between fraud and imbecility — these are topics that must be re.-ierved tor a future occasion. In this place, the room which any thing like a full explanation would require, cannot be spared. Meantime, whatever may be the grammatical and logical description of the ditJerence between the two modes, the etfect of it can scarcely fail of rendering itself perceptible to every eye that has ever found itself condemned to drag itself along the length of a British Act of Parliament. British-and-hish I mean: but, for the expression of this meaning, the Uuion Act (it has been seen) has not atfurded us a aingl* ■word.
Note XIX. Page 42.
Note XIX. Page 42.
Various and important are the collateral uses which a complete Register of this sort might be tbund to have, chieHy under the head of Police; for example, provision for the poor, prevention of crimes, securing the equal payment of taxes, &c. It will be evident, upon a little reflection, what strength would be jiiven to whatever is good and popular in the laws, if, |)y means of every body's huliitaiion, every body's abode were thus, at all times, capable of beina made known to every body. Let it not be forgotten, that the state of things in winch the sort and degree of notoriety, that would be the result of the survey here in question, would have place, would not be that unhappy state of things, in which it is a question whether most evil would be produced by the execution or non-execution, by the strength or the weakness of the laws.
Parishes in England and Wales are 10,674; in Scotland, 921: Parishes and Sub-paiishes rakeu together, in England and Wales 15,741; in Scotland 1,005: Extra-piirociiial places, about 200. By Sub-parishes is here meant such Divisions of Parishes as severally maintain their own Poor (Stat. 13 & 14 c. 2, c.l2). They are called ' Ty things or Townships.' Parishes and Sub-parishes together are the places stated as having made separate Returns. The Parishes so divided are chieily the seven Northern Counties of England, and they are all so: 30 or 40 miles square is no unusual extent; upon an average these Northern are seven or eight times the extent of the Southern Counties. Farl. Pop, Returns. Prel. ObserVn 14, 15.
Note (f) XXI. Page 43.
For the execution of tliis business, on which, trifling as it may seem, the right in question will in so great a degree be dependent, neither the individuals interested, nor any local authorities, would be to be trusted. In neither case could unifoiniity of proceeding, or compleatness of execution, be reasonably expected. In the case of individuals, failure in abundance would be produced by ab.seuce, pnverty, or negligence; in the case of local authorities, by negligence or disaffection. In neither case would there be any effectual responsibility. In either case the expense would be greater than on the here proposed plan, reckoning consumption of time as expense.
As to the expense of the requisite remuneration for these Door-plate Fixers, if considered as constant, as in a certain degree it will require to be, it may naturally enough appear formidable. But, by uniting in the same individuals this fimction and tnat of the distribution of letters, this expense might be greatly reduced at least, if not wholly done away. To the exercise of both functions, in addition lo reading, the same knowledge exactly and no more, would be indispensable: namely, an acquaintance with the site of every Habitation within their respective fields of action.
Supposing it to he regarded as interfering with the patronage, or in any other respects with the power, attached to the office of Postmaster-General, nothing less than tiie most determinate opposition from tiiat office would of course be to be expected. But the functionaiies immediately under the patronage of the Pes; master General are the several Lucul Postmasters, not the Distributors of the letters: and it is only to the function of Distributor of letters that that of Door-plate Fixer would have to be united.
It would be for consideration how far, for economy sake, it might be of advantage to unite, regularly or occasionally, the functions of District Clerk and Poll Clerk to the function of local Postmaiter, instead of to the profession of attorney, as pioposed in a former Note.
To the function of Door-plnte Fixer that of Constable might, it should seem, be united with no.small advantage: and thus, in so far as a Constable is at present reuuiuerated at the expense of the public, a proportionable saving might be effected.
Note (*) XXII. Page 47.
Among the artifices of misrule, are needless and useless and groundless nullifications, interruptions, and terminations of public business. No measures but those that have for their object either the interest of the people, or the interest of the Opposition, sufier by these obstacles. The Crown has times and season* at command.
Note (0 XXIII. Page 47.
[Resig-nation.'] At present a seat cannot be vacated by simple resignation. When a Member wishes to resign, he cannot do so without being appointed to an Office under the Crown: which appointment, Monarch or Minister may refuse, or delay as long as he pleases. Refusal is not, indeed, customary: but it IS not the less legal; and might, and would at any time be resorted to, if an expected successor were to a certain degree obnoxious. In Ireland, before the Union, and on the occasion of the Union, it was actually resorted to.
Among the inwardly harboured maxims, by which the practice of Honourable House conducts itself, a leading one may be stated to be this:— never do m a direct way that which you can do in an indirect way; in other words, never do without insincerity that which you can do by insincerity.
Tims ill tlie present case, one man cannot make room in the House for another, but a faise pretence for it nnist he made: a false pretence; and to that false pretence, not only the outgoing Member himself, but the Monarch and Minister likewise are parties.
The ground of the falsehood is this. In the Statute Book are some half dozen Acts, mentioning by general description, certain Offices, and other sources of emoliniient at the pleasure of the Crown, and declaring, that upon acceptance given to any Office, &c. coming within that description., by a Mem. ber of the Hou^^e of Commons, his seat is vacated. Why vacated? Because were he to continue in it, the Office being one of those to which emolument is attached, his conduct would, by the fear of losing it, be apt to be rendered subservient to the particular interests of Monarch and Minister — adverse to the universal interest. Thus the very principle of all the Acts is the notorious corruptness of the system, of which they make a part.
Among these Offices, is one called the Stewardsliip of the Chiltern Hundreds. Of the system of falsehood, without which a seat is not suffered to be vacated, this Office is the constant instrument. On this occasion the following is the pretence, the falsehood of which is so notorious. Regarding the person in question, as being eminently fit for the trust in question, — and willing, as well as able, to perform the duties of it, and thereby to earn the emolument attached to it, — his Majesty has been advised, and is graciously pleased, to select him for that purpose, and place the Office in his hands. What, in the instrument of appointment, is actually expressed, I cannot pretend to say: nor can at this moment be certain whether any instrument for this purpose actually receives official signature. But, whether expressed or no, such are the allegations implied. Willing, and determined to do his best towards the fultilment of these duties, the Member who has thus been singled out, gives, on his part, to liis Majesty his humble thanks, and to the Office his acceptance. This being what is said — said by Monarch and by Minister— both saying it in solemn form by their signature, how stands the matter of fact? No duties whatever: no selection: the Office is given indiscriminately and successively, to every Member that applies for it; to all Members, who, one after another, apply for it; perhaps to several on one and the same day.
Thus drenched in insincerity is Honourable House. It is by insincerity men get into it: it is by insincerity men get out of it. Hear their Speeches: look to their Votes: look to their Journals: see whether, without insincerity, any thing that is done there, is ever done.* * It is from the class of men by which the proceedings of Honourable House have at all times, as they could not but have been, been guided, that the insincerity so conspicuous in ihe whole frame of them, has manifestly been derived. Lies manufactured by lawyers as such, arc even by themselves acknowledged to be jmlruths, and, as such, constantly spoken of under the name of fictions. But never was the appellation of a lie ascribed to any thing with more strict propriety than to these^c<iows. A fiction of law hurts nobody, says one of their Latin maxims. This lie embraces, and overtops all the others. A fiction of law hurts every body. Never was any one of these lies told, but it had for its object, and as far as it compassed its object, for its effect, usurpation and injustice. When a Judge wanted to do something which he was conscious he had no right to do, his way was, in relation to some matter of fact, to make an assertion, which, if true, might have afforded him a justification for what he did; but which, to his knowledge, was not true. Here then was a gross lie: and by lies of this sort, in the dark ages, did Judges contrive to steal power, sometimes from Parliament, sometimes from the Monarch, sometimes from one another, under favour of that universal ignorance, which they had so successfully laboured to keep up, by the clouds in which, by these and other means, tbey had succeeded in enveloping their proceediogs. The detail of these lie«, Were not all regard for sincerity almost universally cast oflf in Honourable House— cast off by Whigs not less completely than by Tories — could sham representation liave stood thus loug in the place of genuine?
Among the etTects of Radical Reform, would be — not only in Honourable House, but in so many other places — in other Houses — on the throne— on the Seats of Judicature — in the Seats of Education — if not to put an end to his, at any rate to put an end to the empire of his.
and these thefts, may be seen in Rlackstone: in Blackstone, who, so thoroughly depraved by bad education were his understanding and his morals, saw, for any thing that appears, no harm in it. Yes: usurpation and injustice. Never, in the coining of any one of these lies, could the coiner have had any better object; for if what be was doing had not been contrary to justice, the lie would have been of no use to him. Contrary to justice? Yes, and even contrary to law, as it stood, in so far as in such a shape, and in such bands, any thing to which the name of law could with propriety be applied, could be said to stand, or to have existence.